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Patagonia Bookshelf

Patagonian pioneer: Henry Leonard Reynard (1845-1919)
His Life and Times


A   L I F E   OF   H E N R Y  L.  R E Y N A R D.

PART  TWO    [compiled c1920]

B I O G R A P H Y

B Y

HENRY  WILLIAM  AND  CHARLES  ROBERT   REYNARD

SONS  OF

HENRY  LEONARD  REYNARD.

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The foregoing history of my Father's life was all written by himself, and it was his intention to finish this work for our benefit; for some years before his death, however he was a very busy man, a great deal of necessary correspondence keeping him too much in his study at his desk, and we therefore did not like to press him to spend more time with pen and paper.

He seldom spoke of his early doings - he would talk of his friends' achievements, but on his own extraordinary life he was too noble minded and modest to dwell. He hardly ever used to refer to the great pioneer life he had led. Never, during any conversation, have we heard him speak ill of his friends and acquaintances, or even of men who had defrauded him in any business enterprise.

He was an extraordinarily far sighted man, exceedingly well-read, and could converse with anyone on technical subjects, with the insight of an expert. History, particularly of modern times, especially appealed to him, and he took the deepest interest in the early history of South America, and indeed, in everything relating to nature and the universe.

His advice was always sought and greatly valued by his friends, and his life was spent in doing good turns and lending a helping hand to those in less fortunate circumstances than himself. He proved to be a very very great pioneer, and his sheer determination, ambition, optimism and clear foresight brought him successfully through a very strenuous life, when most men would have failed. Gifted with a very

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keen sense of humour, he loved a good joke, and was above all also a thorough sportsman, an extraordinarily clever revolver shot and a marvellous horseman, and was, moreover, a lover of nature and her science.

We, his daughters and sons, are terribly disappointed that this history of his life from his own pen should have ended so briefly, and it is with a deep desire to know more of his life that we have set ourselves to find out all we can of his career from where he left off this biography.

The land he knew so well, 'round Rosario and Buenos Aires, is familiar to all the world to-day, and the wonder is that it could have been so wild a country only a half a century ago.

Unfortunately, quite a portion of our dear Father's undertakings and life are not traceable. After having worked so long with the Talbots, and traded with Brazil during the Paraguayan War, he settled at an estancia, "Las Lomas", near Rosario (about 20 leagues distant) and near Cañada de Gómez, which was in those days the terminus of the Central Argentine Railway. He had as partners, Strawbenzie and Lurman, the former being the son of General Strawbenzie, who was for many years governor of Malta.

For these details of Father's life, we have to thank very deeply his dear friends Mr John Watt and Mr C. Webster; "Las Lomas" they believe, was their home for nearly five years after which time Father sold his share to a Mr Dickinson, who later bought out Strawbenzie and Lurman and became owner of "Las Lomas".

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It was to Las Lomas that there came, in 1869, the well-known horse "Whirlwind", a very fine thoroughbred horse by "Wild Dayroll". He was an exceedingly bad tempered and vicious brute, the property of General Strawbenzie in England, and was in training for the Derby; he stood third favourite, but unfortunately, broke down in training, near the time of the race and General Strawbenzie then sent him out to his son as Las Lomas as a present. The horse, Mr Webster believes, was met at Buenos Aires by Father and taken up to Rosario, and thence to "Cañada de Gómez", the terminus of the railway from Rosario.

The following extract from a letter sent to us by Mr Webster, F.C.C.B.A. 14th June, 1920, gives further details of the horse's arrival, and of conditions in the country at this time. [Charles Henry Webster was the manager of Colonia Alejandra, Santa Fe Province, first settled by English immigrants in 1870.]

" The station was built in the form of a small castle as a protection against the Indians; the station-master was a Capt. Ryan at that time. Just before the horse's arrival, the Indians had entered those camps and had stolen from a camp about three leagues North of the station, about seven hundred mares, and had taken a woman as captive. Also, at that time there was a small revolution going on, which was sometimes dangerous; your father got a lot of men, all of us English settlers just come into the country, and we accompanied the horse with him all the way (8 leagues) to Las Lomas, where a nice English horse box had been built, added on to the Estancia house. All of us were armed with rifles, revolvers,

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knives, and were ready for anything that might have happened, whether with Indians or with revolutionaries. We got there safely.

The next year your father did a very plucky thing - He was on his way from "Las Lomas" to Victoria to look up the man Charles Mills that his friend Talbot had left in charge at Victoria, upon leaving for England, as he had taken in hand the management of the camp for Talbot.

Las Lomas is about 6 leagues from Victoria - about half way to the estancia he met an armed body of men on the track - he simply left the road a little distance, got off his horse, and placing the beast between him and the men, he held his revolver over the saddle, intimating to them that he meant business, as he could not speak much Spanish. The Captain of the mob, luckily, was a friend de los ingleses and was going South to offer protection against the Indians, so nothing was doing; this we heard afterwards from the captain himself, who admired his pluck and was astounded at his not clearing out.

I am sending you the programmes of two race meetings organised by me. I had an idea he had ridden for me in the second, but you will see his name mentioned in the account of the races, which will explain all. They show you the class of men who started these camps and the sort of life we led in those days. "

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C L U B   I N G L E S
de
CARRERAS  DEL  ROSARIO.

--------------------

PROGRAMA

de las Carreras de Noviembre 1º de 1872.

en

CAÑADA  DE  GÓMEZ.

12M. Premio de los Colonos $B200. Entrada 10$B, 10 Cuadras.
No 1. Mr C.H. Webster's Chimango, Cebruno, Azul y diamantes amarillos.
No 2. Mr Dickenson's Suspense, Malacara, Punzo y negro.
No 3. Mr Cookson's Alarm, Alazán, Amarillo con cintas negras.

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12 y media. Premio de las Señoras. 15 Cuadras, $B10 Entrada.
No 1. Mr C.H. Webster's Stranger, Alazán, Azul y diamantes amarillos.
No 2. Mr Dickenson's Gama, Colorado, Punzo y negro.
No 3. Mr Kemmis' Sweet Briar, Zaino, Amarillo con cintas negras.
No 4. Mr Macpherson's Chance, Zaino, Azul y cintas negras.
No 5. Mr Gorhing's Nato, Zaino, Negro y blanco.

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1 y 15 P.M. Carrera de Saltos. Premio $B150 y Taza de Plata. Entrada $B10, 20 Cuadras.
No 1. Mr Watt's Schonberg, Zaino, Azul y diamantes amarillos.
No 2. Mr Macpherson's Hopeless, Oscuro, Azul y cinta amarilla.
No 3. Mr Neeld's Ironsides, Tordillo, Azul con cintas negras.
No 4. Mr Dickenson's No Importa, Oscuro, Punzo y negro.
No 5. Mr Dickenson's Creeper, Tordillo, Azul con puntos blancos.
No 6. Mr Cookson's Rifleman, Zaino, Amarillo con cintas negras.
No 7. Mr Watt's Volunteer, Lobuno, Azul con diamantes amarillos
No 8. Mr Gorhing's Sporter, Zaino, Negro y blanco.

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[2] P.M. Premio Scurry $B150, Entrada $B5, 7 cuadras.
No 1. Mr Webster's Chimango, Cebruno, Azul con cinta amarillo.
No 2. Mr Watt's Elaine, Alazán, Azul con diamantes amarillos
No 3. Mr Dickenson's Jack, Zaino, Punzo y negro.
No 4. Mr Kemmis' Pico, Zaino, Negro y cintas amarillas.

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2 y 30 P.M. Taza de la Cañada de Gómez Premio $B25, Entrada $B25, 30 Cuadras.
No 1. Mr Watt's Volunteer, Lobuno, Azul con diamantes amarillos.
No 2. Mr Webster's Blair Athol, Doradillo, Blanco con puntos verdes.
No 3. Mr Mackworth's Old Port, Alazán, Gris y ceriso.
No 4. Mr Kemmis' The Colonel, Oscuro, Amarillo con cintas negras.
No 5. Sr Guarda's Carrera del Rosario, Overo, Azul y blanco.

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3. P.M. Premio del Rosario $B200, Entrada $B10, 20 Cuadras.
No 1. Mr Watt's Volunteer, Lobuno, Azul con diamantes amarillos.
No 2. Mr Webster's Stranger, Alazán, Azul con cinta amarilla.
No 3. Mr Dickenson's Suspense, Malacara, Punzo y negro.
No 4. Mr Cookson's Alarm, Alazán, Amarillo con cintas negras.
No 5. Mr Childer's Clam, Malacara, Amarillo con mangas blancas.
No 6. Mr Lawrence, Selim, Alazán, Azul con cinta blanca.
No 7. Mr Gorhing's Elante, Zaino, Negro y blanco.

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3 y 30 p.m. Beaton Scramble, Premio $B100, Entrada $B5, 3 Cuadras.

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Las Entradas para esta Carrera deben hacerse a los 15 minutos después de corrida la anterior.

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CAÑADA DE GÓMEZ RACES   Nov. 1st 1872.

We hear from our special correspondent that the races at Cañada de Gómez came off on the 1st inst. [the present month] with the greatest success, the weather being fine and the attendance numerous. The Santa Fecinos hold the same position as sportsmen in reference to the Buenos Ayreans that Yorkshiremen do with regard to Londoners. They are intense lovers of sport, and will go heart and soul into it in a manner which it does one good to see. Messrs Leesmith, Kemmis, Cookson, Webster, Gorhing, Dickinson, Watt, Daws and others took a prominent part in the arrangements, which were in every respect satisfactory, and the utmost enjoyment was experienced by the spectators.

The following are the results of the running -

Colonist's Plate. 10sq.
Mr S. Cookson's Alarm. .........1.
3 ran.

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Ladies' Purse. 15sq.
Mr Kemmis' Sweet Briar. .......1.
5 ran.

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Welter Hurdle Cup. 20sq.
Mr Gorhing's Sporter. ..........1.
8 ran.

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Scurry Stakes. 7sq.
Mr Webster's Chimango. .......1.
4 ran.

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Cañada de Gómez Cup. 30 sq.
Mr Watt's Volunteer. ...........1.
5 ran.

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Rosario Stakes. 20 sq.
Mr Webster's The Stranger. ..........1.
7 ran.

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Beaton Handicap. 8 sq.
Mr Dickinson's Gama. ...........1.

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ROSARIO ENGLISH RACE CLUB MEETING.  Cañada de Gómez.

November 1st. 1872.

The following is the detailed account of the meeting of which we gave a brief notice in our last issue -

Stewards, Lewis Joel Esq. H.M.S. Consul, Alfred Artega, J.Boardman, W.S. Cookson, W. Kemmis, J.Leesmith, R. Patos, W.H.Taylor and J.Viana Esqs.

This year the rising little town of Cañada Gómez was selected as the "venue" for the annual contest amongst the Santa Fe estancieros, a day which is always looked forward to with great interest and is sure to be a most enjoyable one. The present proved to be no exception to these red letter days and we heard that unimpeachable authority "the oldest inhabitant" declare that upon no previous occasion had the English Races been such a decided success as they were last Friday.

The greatest good order and regularity with plenty of fun and merriment prevailed, and not one désagrément [inconvenience] occurred to mar the pleasure of the day. Universal, however, were the expressions of regret for the serious accident to Mr Kemmis, who, with his arm in a sling, had to forego the pleasure of steering to victory the chosen of the stable, and so the public were deprived of their usual treat in seeing the popular Squire of Las Rosas "up" against his old friend Mr Reynard (now absent at home), a feature of the day's sport which, when these two artistes (representatives of Ould Ireland and Yorkshire) fight out a real close thing, is worthy going many a mile to see.

The morning and special trains brought a goodly number of holiday folk from Rosario, Bellville, Córdoba, etc., and the neighbouring estancieros of the district with their families in carriages and on horse-back mustered strongly on the course - which was graced by the presence of many of the fair sex, without whom even an English race meeting loses much of its salt.

Sport commenced with what might have been a serious accident to Mr Dickinson, Suspense in his preliminary, putting his foot into a falsely filled up vizcacha hole, and turning a somersault, thereby shaking his jockey considerably. The horse was caught and remounted after half an hour's delay, but as will be seen below, had nothing to do with the race, which fell without a struggle to Alarm.

Then came the Ladies Purse and there was a rush to inspect Sweet Briar as she entered the saddling paddock and went through her toilet for her début as the first of the Whirlwinds to appear in public. The filly, a very nice level and wide brown, on short legs, with rare back and loins, pleased the conoscenti who took exception however to her condition, being pronounced very big, her rawness also being manifest when she took her preliminary canter, and 'though, from the prestige of the stable she remained first favourite, she went back a little in the quotations before the flag fell.

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During running long odds were laid against her, her rider, who had waiting orders, lying so wide from the leaders that it was thought she would never catch them, but though she ran very green, and changed legs twice at the far side, she went up to her horses like a steam engine round the bottom turn, and landed a fast and true run race through her sheer gameness by a head.

It was a great thing to ask of a 3 yr. old with very short preparation, to meet old horses at even weights, and we must congratulate the owners of Las Lomas upon the possession of the beautiful sire of the winner. The hurdle race, with the veterans Rifleman and No Importa meeting some new performers over "sticks", was a very interesting event, but the winner steadily and nicely ridden had the pace of his field throughout.

His rider H. Gorhing, a German cavalry officer on leave from his regiment visiting his friend Mr Sharff, received a rattling round of British cheers on returning to scale, and appeared much gratified at this mark of friendly good-will to the plucky stranger.

After Chimango had polished off his two opponents for the Scurry, came the Cup, the most important race of the meeting, Volunteer and the Rosario horse dividing the investments of the talent. Volunteer waited, and again those not au fait of the tactics, burnt their fingers, for pulling Mr Watt out of the saddle he came when asked, and "walked in" amidst a tremendous ovation from the crowd who were delighted at the success of the Tres Lagunas champion.

The certainty that the Rosario stakes looked for Alarm, proved the "glorious" uncertainty of racing. Loud were the encomiums upon the splendid condition in which Mr Kemmis had brought the Las Rosas crack to the post, and in the masterly hands of Mr Lawrence, well known at home in the silk, it assuredly looked a "moral" for him.

It appeared however that it was one of the little chestnut's bad tempered days, for with the race in hand he refused to finish, and the Stranger, who also laid his ears back and looked like stopping every stride, won rather easily. The crowd, hot sun, and delay at the post in the first race, had much ruffled Alarm's temper, otherwise the result would doubtless have been different.

Mr Dickenson finished the day's sport by a well merited win in the Scramble after his two previous disappointing seconds, the feature of the race being the way in which Mr Neeld drove the gallant little grey from start to finish giving 12 lb. away to the rest of the field and only having had a fortnight's preparation.

Mr Kemmis, who officiated as starter, got his fields away with a clock-work punctuality that is quite a novelty in this country. The decisions of Mr Taylor as judge appeared to give universal satisfaction, and the course was capitally cleared by Mr Hebler and his assistants.

The day's sport was over before 5, and the numerous

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N.B. Content is identical to p.50 - omitted.

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company separated, delighted with the agreeable meeting and hoping for many more of the same sort from the Rosario English Race Club.

The Colonists Plate. 10 squares.

Mr. Cookson's Alarm, by Elcho, h.b. Mr Lawrence. 1.
Mr Webster's Chimango, Mr Watt. O.
Mr Dickenson's Suspense, Owner. O.

2 to 1 on Alarm, 3 to 1 against Chimango. Suspense and Chimango bolted and ran out at the top turn, leaving Alarm to canter in alone.

The Ladies Purse. 15 squares.

Mr Kemmis's Sweet Briar, by Whirlwind, out of Rosebush 3 yrs. h.b. Mr Leesmith. 1.
Mr Dickenson's Gama, owner. 2.
Mr Macpherson's Chance, owner. 3.
Mr Gorhing's Nato, owner, 4.

6 to 4 on Sweet Briar, 2 to 1 against Gama, and 5 to 1 the others. Chance jumping off with the lead forced the running with Nato in attendance at a clipping pace, the two having increased their lead at the far side to several lengths, with the favourite lying third, and Gama at her girths. Rounding the bottom turn Sweet Briar and Gama ran up to the leader, and came into the straight with the former a little in advance. From the distance a slashing [sic] race home ensued, the horse having a trifle the best of it opposite the stand, but the filly gamely answered a final call in the last three strides, and won amidst great excitement by a short head. After passing the post the winner swerved and fell over the ropes, but neither she nor her jockey were hurt.

The Welter Hurdle Race. 20 squares over 8 hurdles.

Mr Gorhing's Snorter, owner, 1.
Mr Dickenson's No Importa, owner, 2.
Mr Cookson's Rifleman, Mr Lawrence, 3.
Mr Neeld's Ironsides, owner, O.
Mr Macpherson's Hopeless, Mr Watt, O.

2 to 1 against Snorter and Rifleman, 5 to 1 against No Importa. Rifleman jumped the first hurdle in advance and was then pulled back, leaving Snorter with the lead, No Importa lying second and Rifleman third, the other well up. Approaching the turn the last time, Rifleman made his effort, but died away at the distance and Snorter stalling off the determined rush, opposite the Stand, of No Importa, who had been admirably ridden throughout, won cleverly by half a length.

The Scurry Stakes, 7 squares.

Mr Webster's Chimango, Mr Watt, 1.
Mr Kemmis' Pico, Mr Macpherson, 2.
Mr Dickenson's Jack, owner, 3.

2 to 1 on Chimango, who made all the running and won in a canter by 2 lengths.

Cañada Gómez Cup. 30 squares.

Mr Watt's Volunteer, by Elcho h.b. owner. 1.
Mr Guarda's Carrera del Rosario, Mr Leguizamón. 2.

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Mr Kemmis' The Colonel, Mr Lawrence, O.
Mr Webster's Blair Athol, Mr Thompson, O.
Mr Mackworth's Old Port, Mr Whish, O.

Even on Volunteer, 2 to 1 against Carrera del Rosario and 10 to 1 any other. The Colonel and the Rosario horse made the running with Volunteer lying off, after the first round the former retired and Carrera del Rosario, coming back to Volunteer the latter galloped on and won in a common canter by 50 lengths.

The Rosario Stakes.

Mr Webster's The Stranger, Mr Watt, 1.
Mr Cookson's Alarm, Mr Lawrence, 2.
Mr Lawrence, Selim, Mr Macpherson, 3.
Mr Dickenson's Suspense, owner, O.
Mr Childers Clam, Mr Thompson, O.
Mr Gorhing's Elante, owner, O.

2 to 1 on Alarm, 3 to 1 against The Stranger, 8 to 1 any other. Mr Macpherson sent Selim along a cracker to serve the favourite with Clam and Suspense close up, Alarm and The Stranger next. Passing the Stand the latter went to the front and Alarm took third place pulling double. Rounding the bend for home the favourite ran up to his horses and for a moment was level with the Stranger, who however immediately afterwards came away and though hanging very much won easily by 3 lengths.

The Consolation Scramble, 7 squares.

Mr Dickenson's Gama, owner, 1.
Mr Neeld's Ironsides, owner, 2.
Mr Macpherson, Chance, owner, 3.
Three others also ran.

2 to 1 against Gama, 3 to 1 against Chance and 5 to 1 any other. The lot ran in a cluster to the third bend where a good race home with the first 3 resulted in Gama's victory by a length cleverly, a neck between 2nd. and 3rd.

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Carreras Inglesas.
Cañada de Gómez,  Julio 23 de 1873.

Al Señor Redactor de "La Capital".

Muy Señor Mío;

Sabiendo que V. siempre protege tanto las diversiones como al comercio, deseamos ocupar un espacio de su importante diario con una corta noticia sobre las carreras inglesas que deben tener lugar el 8 de Setiembre próximo.

En los años anteriores, el público en general no ha simpatizado mucho con las carreras de circo, pues no ven la diferencia entre estas y las carreras rectas.

Nuestro propósito al presente no es sólo levantar esas carreras para diversión, sino también para reunir gran número de estancieros y otros que tengan en su mente la prosperidad del país y de los animales que en él se crían, y los cuales probados como conviene las dos razas de caballos, si ellos estarían contentos del resultado que se obtendrá con los muchos mestizos que correrán este año - con un poco de energía y de tiempo para proveerse de padres de raza una, para mejorar los ya ricos animales de los cuales se halla cuajada la Pampa; y aunque el resultado de los mestizos de este año tal vez no sean satisfactorios para los espectadores, debe tenerse presente que son de la primera cruza y tal vez demasiado jóvenes todavía y por consiguiente poso [poco?] lucidos [al] lado de caballos de buena edad y adie[s]trados; pero al menos los asistentes habrán tenido la satisfacción de un día de de pasatiempo y alegría, y los sentimientos patrióticos arderán con más fervor, si los caballos criollos ganan a los forasteros intrusos; sin embargo creemos que sean bastante generosos, de no querer aplastar al enemigo vencido.

!Oh corredores Argentinos! ¿Porque no vienen a aceptar un juego noble, que si algo de juego tiene, su principal fin siempre es noble?

Es de mejorar y buscar los méritos del más noble de los animales que Dios ha donado a este país; y cuya clase de reuniones de carreras una vez que llegue a ser recreación más importante, ayudará a destruir los nocivos y bajos gustos del juego de naipes y de la taba, y otros juegos de azar - lo cual es el propósito de la "Sociedad de Carreras" en el día de hoy.

Esperando que V. nos ayudará a llegar a este fin, saludamos a V. como S.S.

C.H. Webster.

Secretario Honorario de la Sociedad.

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Carreras Inglesas
de la
CAÑADA   DE   GÓMEZ  
Setiembre 8 de 1873.
CARRERA  DE  SALTOS.

1. Distancia 20 cuadras, premio b. 150 - entrada 10 peso, 161 libras - Jinetes caballeros.

2. Trial Stakes - Distancia 10 cuadras, premio b. 150, entrada b.10, peso 161 libras - Se admite a cualquier jinete

3. Colonist Plate - Distancia 20 cuadras, premio b.200, entrada b.15, peso 161 libras, a los animales de tres años se le ceden 10 libras - Jinetes caballeros.

4. Cañada de Gómez Cup - Distancia 30 cuadras, premio b.200, entrada b.15, peso 161 libras, a los animales de tres años se le ceden 12 libras - Se admite a cualquier jinete.

5. Rosario Stakes - Distancia 15 cuadras, premio b.100, entrada 10, peso 161 libras, a los animales de tres años se le ceden 7 libras - Jinetes caballeros.

6. Consolation Race - Distancia 10 cuadras, premio b.50, entrada b.5, peso 161 libras, a los animales de tres años se le cederán 5 libras - Se admite a cualquier jinete.

7. Servants Plate. - Distancia 15 cuadras, premio b.25, entrada b.2, peso 168 libras, segundo caballo, salvando la entrada.

Los caballos tienen que ser bona fide propiedad de sirvientes extranjeros, tres semanas antes del 8 de Setiembre, y los jinetes también sirvientes extranjeros.

Los caballos que ganen alguna carrera de valor de 100 o más pesos, llevarán un sobre peso de 4 libras, y de b.500 arriba de 10 libras.

Entradas serán recibidas por escrito solamente hasta las 8 p.m. del 1º de Setiembre, dirigidas al Señor Don J. Basilio Macpherson, en la Cañada de Gómez, o al Señor Don J. Boardman, Club de Residentes Extranjeros, Rosario.

Después de dicha fecha no se podrán entrar caballos.

El Reglamento de "Newmarket" [se aplica a las carreras de caballos - necesitamos una definición] regirá estrictamente.

El peso no es acumulativo.

Toda carrera deberá ser aprobada por los jueces, cuya decisión será inapelable.

Vestuario de los corredores estrictamente a la inglesa.

Todas las carreras se juegan a plata muerta [talvez, las apuestas no recuperadas se acumulan para la próxima carrera].

Los caballos deben estar puntualmente en la salida a la hora indicada en el programa.

Las entradas se pagarán, y los colores de los jinetes se declararán al tiempo de hacer la entrada.

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El corredor que usa otro color que el designado, incurrirá en la pena de b.10.

Si tres caballos de distintos propietarios no corren el premio no se entregará al que gane.

Los corredores serán penados por los jueces con suspensión o multa por desórdenes a la partida (o al largar.)

El ganador de cada carrera donará 20 b. a los fondos de la Asociación.

Las carreras serán vuelta a la izquierda como en Roldán hace cuatro años atrás.

Cualquier dueño de caballos, que precise acomodación para sus caballos, puede procurarla avisando dos semanas antes del 8 de Setiembre, al Secretario.

La segunda reunión en el corriente año tendrá lugar el 1º de Noviembre, en las cercanías de la plaza de López del Rosario.

Informes detallados sobre el Reglamento, se darán por -

D. Carlos Webster.

Secretario de la Sociedad.

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"La Victoria" was an estancia some eight leagues from "Las Lomas", and belonged to Talbot, for whom Father had worked so much. Talbot himself, a captain in an English Cavalry regiment, lived at La Victoria and made the place, but did not remain there long. He left his batman, Charles Mills, to look after it under Father's supervision during his absence and this occasioned Father a great deal of work, and from Mr Webster's letter it is easy to see what dangers this work involved. Mills was the rough riding N.C.O. of Captain Talbot's regiment in his soldiering days - he was murdered some time later at La Victoria.

The railway station for the estancia had always been "Trebol", F.C.C.A., and the nearest large estancia to La Victoria, was the "Caledonia", owned by David C. Munro, brother of the lately well-known General Munro - it was at Caledonia that a native was killed by lightning - an incident to which Father refers.

La Victoria passed into the hands of Messrs Lea and Treaden, and the Lea family lived there for years. The estancia now belongs to Mr Roberts of Radcliffe-on-Trent, near Newark.

One league from Las Lomas was an estancia "Las Rosas" the property of three excellent sportsmen of very old English family - Kemmis, Cookson and Wheatley. During those days the young English settlers used often to gather at Las Rosas and Las Lomas, to attend races or shooting and to enjoy seeing the fine breed of horses that was emanating from "Whirlwind" and "Grimstone" - the latter horse, by "Stockwell", came out in 1871

/p.58/

to Las Rosas.

"Whirlwind" was a very unmanageable brute, and the only man who could handle and ride him was Father, who did not race him, but rode him regularly. The horse was kept at Las Lomas for about a year, after which he was rented to Billy Kemmis at Las Rosas for one hundred pounds a year, and had some extraordinarily fine foals.

I remember talking to Father about the extraordinary instinct animals show in returning home from strange places. He told me that while at Las Lomas he had a big red and white galgo hound which used to follow him everywhere. It went with him to some races by train, two days off. At the races he lost the dog, and hunted high and low for him but could not find him. After the races he returned to the estancia, and there was the dog, delighted to see him - he had travelled straight home, having had to swim across a big river, and had arrived early on the morning after being lost.

In 1866, a few days after Father came of age he sailed for Buenos Aires, and we believe he did not go to Patagonia until about 1874.

Among the passenger[s] on the "Cordova" in 1866, was a friend of Father's, Mr Ernest Whish, from whom we have a letter written in September 1920, from Somerset House, Canynge Road, Clifton, Bristol. He says -

" We made friends on board a steamer called the "Cordova", and left Liverpool in 1866; she was an awful old tub of a boat. At Buenos Aires we had to part company - I went up the Río Negro, to an estancia beyond Fray Bentos, he went up to Santa Fe way, but we used to write

/p.59/

to each other now and again, but I did not see him again 'till I went out again in 1870, and either the end of that year or the beginning of the next I saw him at some races at Las Rosas in which he was riding, and where I always stayed a lot in those days. He was a very fine horseman and a favourite with us all. I am sorry I don't remember the year he went to Patagonia, and from the time he left Las Lomas I never saw him again. "Whirlwind", by "Wild Dayroll", came out to South America in 1869, and a vicious brute he was too. "Grimstone", by "Stockwell" - "Miranda", came out in 1871. I think they both died at Las Rosas. " Mr Whish adds a postscript - "I have a photo taken with two chums, Bob Lawrence and Jimmy Watt."

In October 1919, Mrs Watt wrote giving us some interesting details of Father's life, and told us some reminiscences of those old days.

Mrs Watt mentions that Mrs Kemmis is living in Ireland, and that her old servant John Salmon was a factotum at Las Rosas for years and that he is still alive, and may remember all about the horses which Father used to ride and the races in which he rode.

The Watts first met Father at La Haya [?] in the summer of '70, in Córdoba 12 leagues from Frayle Muerto, Bellville, where a great many Englishmen settled; they were brought out by a Mr Hendy.

The blood mare "Grimstone" was kept for a year at Las Rosas, and was sold to Mr Kemmis for one thousand dollars, and died shortly afterwards. "Whirlwind", on the other hand, had

/p.60/

some good colts - one, "Bonny Dundee", and sold to James Watt at Las Lagunas. To Mr John Watt's knowledge this horse was never beaten.

Mr Watt thinks Father went South in 1871. After selling Las Lomas, he made another trip to Provinces in 1874, when he visited the Watt family again. He spent a short time visiting old friends in the camp and then went South again; the next they heard of Father was that he was married in Montevideo.

Mr Watt describes Father as a magnificent horseman with exceptional hands and very fine judgment.

In talking of Buenos Aires in those times, Mr Watt remembers landing about '70; the ship anchored about 15 miles out, passengers came off in tugs, and finally transferred to bullock carts pulled by cincha [strap / webbing] to the old mole, where they were put ashore; he thinks that the second outbreak of malaria and yellow fever which Father describes, was in 1870.

There is a big link missing in Father's life, and there are few people living who can fill up the gap - still, in March 1874, we have an extraordinary letter written by Father to his mother in Yorkshire.

Sandy Point.
March 16th. 1874.

" My dearest Mother,

I ought to have written last week, but when you have read this letter you will see the reason why you did not get a letter. I have in the last fortnight dear mother, passed

/p.61/

through some terrible experiences in life.

On 27th. ult. [last month] a party consisting of the following - J. H. Dunsmure, J. Forrest, H. L. Reynard and three seamen left here for three days' sport, shooting and sealing etc. on the island of Magdalena, Strait of Magellan.

We started on a beautiful day and reached Magdalena the same evening. We knocked over penguins and shot duck and amused ourselves all Saturday morning; finding no seals, the chief object of our expedition, we decided to return to Sandy Point. We left Magdalena with a fair wind, but after about one hour the wind changed, blew hard, and we had to run for a small island further to the North, where we anchored and remained 'till Monday 2nd. instant; weighed anchor with nice wind, but it changed quickly and we had to beat against a head wind getting stronger and stronger. When close to Tierra Del Fuego, our cutter missed stays, and although we downed anchor and tried to club-haul her we failed, and were driven on to the shores with a very heavy sea running. We saved a lot of gear, our arms and some provisions and ammunition, and found ourselves on one of the most inhospitable shores God has created. That night we rigged up a tent and made ourselves as comfortable as we could.

On the 3rd - 4th inst. the weather was so bad, if not worse, but on the 5th. there was a total calm; the three seamen volunteered to pull across the straits - (a very dangerous undertaking, distance 25 miles) to get assistance. They arrived safely, and on Saturday 7th. inst. a steam launch

/p.62/

belonging to the coal company arrived to relieve us. Meanwhile we had lived mostly on what we shot, and had had bad weather.

We joyfully embarked aboard the steam launch at 3.40 p.m. and fully expected to reach Sandy Point that night; but we were fated to be very severely tried. When only about three miles from the mainland the engine of the little steamer broke down, and there we were without sail, oars, or steam - a log on the sea.

It was then calm, but in half an hour the wind got up and blew hard. We hove to, under a small boat made of hide that we had aboard, and spent a terrible night. In the early morning the wind fell - we rigged the blankets for sails and got again near to the mainland. The wind again rose, blew a strong gale, we hove our little boat out again, and from 8.a.m. to 1.30 p.m. lay to, in expectation of every moment being our last. The sea ran - you have seen it off Filey Brigg [a long, narrow peninsula on the Yorkshire coast] - we said good bye to each other, and had but little, if any, hope of our lives. At 1.30, finding that we were again driven near the shores of Tierra Del Fuego, we drew the little boat to the stern, brought the launch before the wind, and determined to run ashore, it being our only chance.

We hoisted a blanket forward as a sail to keep her before the wind, and all waited in suspense 'till she struck. We saved our lives, some blankets and some arms, and again found ourselves on the barren shores of Tierra Del Fuego. We were wrecked the second time about 20 miles from the place where our

/p.63/

first mishap occurred.

On Monday 9th. Dunsmure, Fugins [sic] and I started for our old camping ground, with what we could carry, for we knew that if assistance was sent at all it would be sent in that direction. When we were cast away the second time there was not a drop of fresh water.

After a very toilsome march we reached our old camping ground, and thank God, found things there to make a shelter from the weather. Two days afterwards the three we had left turned up; the same day, the crew of a schooner sent after us, found us and took us off. The Fuegians are a bad lot of people - cannibals, and I thank God that they did not drop on us.

We arrived here yesterday, Sunday afternoon March 13th. During the hours of Sunday March 6th, I certainly, as we all did, [think] we were at our death, but for all that I am glad to say there was no undue excitement visible. I know I got under my rug, and, not to frighten the others, I stripped off my coat and trousers, etc. and remained in a shirt and drawers, determined not to give up my life without a swim for it, although I knew that swimming would be of but little avail. Everybody was as occupied in watching the waves that they never noticed my light costume, although it was bitterly cold.

I thought about you all at home a great deal more than about myself - for I said "Well, if it's God's will I go, I have to go, and there's an end of my life. I am sure he means

/p.64/

me to preserve my life if I can " - so I was determined to throw away no chances. I don't know, my dear Mother, if I really quite realised what death is, although I stood facing him. It is difficult to analyse the feelings at such a time. and yet I never felt cooler or quieter or more resolved to keep my wits about me. But I do know one thing - you won't catch me going about the Straits of Magellan for pleasure again, at the equinox.

We much fear for the Chilean man-of-war that was cruising in the Atlantic, has been lost in the same gale - a boat with four that started the same Sunday is utterly lost.

Although we did not see the Indians of Tierra Del Fuego, we on two occasions saw their fires about nine miles away, and had to keep good watch night and day. As you may suppose, I did not get fat in the fortnight, although never starving, often hungry; we shot ducks, geese, cormorants, gulls, and picked mussels and limpets, and we knocked along all right. The hardest day's work was when we walked from our second wreck to our first camping place - such ground! all undermined by a kind of rat and at every fourth step you sank to above your ankles in soft sand and gravel. The loss of things was heavy. I lost my gun cases and some clothes, but saved my gun and rifle and revolver - indeed those were what I looked after, as I knew very well it was no good being cast ashore on Tierra Del Fuego without the means of defence and sustenance. In the beginning of our walk we picked up a human skull, and saw a lot

/p.65/

of human bones knocking about - it was close to where the Indians had camped, and it did not look encouraging.

Next week I go up to the River Plate, and shall return here about the middle of April or beginning of May. I have made up my mind to settle here.

I expect the mail in tomorrow, and will leave this open to add a line, so with very best of love to you and Will,

I am always, your affectionate son

Henry L. Reynard

P.S. I have no time to write to my other friends and relatives so send them this 'round to them. The steamer has just arrived - 8.30 a.m. March 17th. and leaves almost immediately - in good trim this leaves me. Best of love - I received yesterday's letter from Tem dated Feb. 1st; tell her so "

The above letter was written, we believe, the first time Father went to Patagonia. The early years are rather hard to trace, but for much of the following information we are indebted very much to Mr Tom Saunders, Mr Morrison and Mr Hamilton.

The earliest history of Punta Arenas has been recorded in one or two authentic books. The outstanding points are that, although attempts were made by hopeful settlers to induce the government to extend land facilities, (the Governor of Punta Arenas about the year 1872 was, I believe, Sr. Sampaio) [alert - This date or name may be incorrect: Sampaio was Governor from June 1880.] he did not encourage the settlers and acted in a very adverse manner unfavourable to the welfare of the territory.

/p.66/

It was not 'till after he had been recalled that his successor assisted pioneer colonists to settle in Chile; the territory settled in 1884, would probably have been settled earlier, had the governor been prepared to lend his official assistance.

The first industry of any importance was the sawmills of "Leña Dura", where seven mills employed about five hundred hands. These mills produced very good sound timber, but according to these old books, it was cut up and sold so quickly that it never had time to dry, and was always green; the great demand thus tended to do the industry harm, owing to the fact that its pioneers had not time to cut up and dry their timber before sawing it up. One sees to-day what a huge industry it has become, "Roule" [?] and "Roble" supplying almost the entire demand of the Southern coast with building timber, cut match boarding, flooring boards, etc., this timber making excellent furniture, as all who have seen it realize. This early industry continues steadily since 1872, and has progressed for many years to what it is to-day.

Father's first enterprise in the territory was as a saw mill worker, and he was in partnership with Mr Dunsmure, who was British Consul at Punta Arenas. This saw mill was at Leña Dura, and was managed by Father himself for some years, thus giving him his first real start in the territory of Magallanes. The saw mill was eventually sold to Sr. Versuela [Valenzuela?] of Punta Arenas. This saw mill business was carried on until about two years after sheep raising was started at Oazy Harbour.

/p.67/

When Oazy Harbour was opened up, Father's whole time had to be devoted to this new venture, and during that time, Aimé Domange managed the Leña Dura saw mills.

Returning to about 1875, the stock (cattle and horse) industry was almost unknown. The only cattle and horses in the territory were those which belonged to the Government, and these were kept at Agua Fresca. At about this time the cattle at Agua Fresca numbered over two thousand head, and some hundreds of mares and horses. The cattle in the time of Sampaio were never looked after properly - in belonging to the Government, they belonged also to those who looked after them; at least, so the old historians record. "What's the Government's is ours" is still a common belief, and consequently the cattle never increased and the horses got lost. However, in 1875 the census return numbered 2,000 head of cattle. No mention of sheep is made and it is certain none existed.

However, when Sampaio was replaced by his successor, whose name I unfortunately forget (he was a true patriot and desired, and did all he could to encourage, the progress of the territory of Magallanes) endeavour was made to tame the cattle and supply the colony of Punta Arenas with meat. Settlers were encouraged to think of land, and it was decided to rent certain lands for twenty years.

A deputation of hopeful settlers had already been to Santiago to lay their solicitude before the authorities, but no notice was taken of them until the successor of Sampaio appeared.

/p.68/

N.B. Content is identical to p.67 - omitted

/p.69/

This deputation I believe, was one of three or four people, of whom Father was one.

I remember Father telling me that no sheep existed except about twenty belonging to an old lady, Dna. Mica [probably Micaela, widow of former Chabunco hotel-keeper Emilio Bays], who is still living at Chabunco in a little house off the track near the stream under the foot of Chabunco hill. The few sheep had been given to Dna. Mica by some Chilean authority, and came from Santiago. Father, who was great friends with the old lady, took a very great interest in this little flock, and he believed that a great future lay in store for Magallanes as a sheep country.

Although settlers were now encouraged, there were no sheep, cattle or horses for them to found their flocks in the country.

In order to follow Father's life naturally, we must go back to his partnership with Dunsmure. This partnership also included, in the very early days, the running of a little hotel which Father looked after for Dunsmure. This hotel was situated next to the present site of the Hotel Kosmos, and was owned by Father and Dunsmure about the year 1876. I remember well Father telling me that he had once been a hotel keeper and ran an hotel in Punta Arenas, and that he did not like the work at all on account of the heavy drinking, so common in those days, which was repulsive to him.

At this time Mr Roig and our mother his wife, lived in Punta Arenas, and kept a store which was one square above where the present catholic church now stands. This store,

/p.70/

after Mr Roig was drowned, became Mother's, and was looked after for her by her brother Aimé Domange, who was married and had four sons.

Mr Dunsmure, Mr Roig and others went on an expedition probably to catch seal, explore, and perhaps trade with the Indians, to San Gregorio - the whole expedition was never heard of again, no signs of the cutter in which they sailed ever being found. Mother was left a widow in Punta Arenas, with her only little son Frank.

After Mr Dunsmure's death became a certainty, [Report in "Evening Telegraph", 1st Sept. 1879, On or about the 21st March, drowned by the foundering of his vessel in the Straits of Magellan, James Henderson Dunsmure, Her Britannic Majesty's Vice-Consul at Sandy Point, eldest son of Alexander Dunsmure, Glenbruach, Perthshire. ] Father was appointed British Consul. The hotel in which Dunsmure and he had been partners, was sold to old Saunders [Sanders - not related to Thomas Saunders], father-in-law to Sr. Juan Bitsch.

Father had been living in hopes of keeping sheep and cattle, and turned his energy in that direction. From scanty information, he must have approached the governor. Mr Saunders tells me he made the very first trip to the Falkland Islands in the Chilean gun-boat "Toro", to bring over sheep to kill for food in Punta Arenas. His first idea in bringing sheep from the Falklands was, not to start an estancia, but to supply Punta Arenas with mutton.

Both sheep and cattle were butchered in the open street about where [the] Jacobs store now stands; the animal was cut up and sold on the spot. At these killings, great numbers of dogs used to crowd 'round like leeches - Punta Arenas was infested with dogs of all sorts, and they used to hang about waiting for their whack of offal etc., and clean up the refuse.

/p.71/

The people came to the killing place and bought the meat they wanted - it was scarce in those early days, and quickly sold. There was no butcher's shop, and no paddock in which to keep the animals.

Father obtained permission from the Governor, to use Elizabeth Island as a station for sheep and cattle. He saw a long way ahead, and realized, with his always clear sighted vision, and understanding of new enterprises, that there was a great prospect in sheep, and he devoted all his time to getting sheep from the Falklands and taking them to Elizabeth Island. Progress seemed very rapid in those early years, and once it became possible even to think of sheep breeding, eager hardy pioneers were watching, and doing all they could to get stock and take up land. Dr. Fenton, José Menéndez, Saunders, Wood, José Nogueira and many others were among the earliest to realize the hopes of prosperity, if they could only procure breeding stock.

Father was during this time British Consul, and must have made many trips to West Falklands, to Shallow Bay, to Homestead - Blake's farm, for sheep. This was in 1879 - 1880. Mr Saunders thinks that this very first lot of sheep to come to Patagonia numbered about three hundred, and were landed and bought by Father himself. On his voyages to Shallow Bay, Father took timber to sell - the old ship that did these voyages was the "Malvinas," a schooner. The sheep cost 12/- each in Falklands, plus 6/- freight to Elizabeth Island.

Mr Hamilton, whose delightful kindness and interest

/p.72/

we shall never forget, tells me that he believes Father owned a schooner, captained by Captain Pritchard, afterwards captain of the "Louisa", and that this schooner was totally lost off Cape Horn, while on a sealing expedition - the crew, he thinks, were saved.

On Elizabeth Island, looking after the sheep and cattle, was Jack Harvey, an old sailor, who had lived in Punta Arenas with his wife, previous to going to the Island. Father also took some sheep to Oazy Harbour.

Mr Hamilton tells us that he went out to Falkland Islands on contract for the Falkland Island Co. While there, he heard of a British Consul at Punta Arenas, who had brought sheep from West Falklands and taken them to Patagonia. He studied the maps and charts of Patagonia, and was very much interested, and so he wrote to this consul (Father, of course) whom he did not know. After his contract with the Falkland Islands Co. elapsed, having an offer from Father to come to Punta Arenas, he accepted, and sailed on a Kosmos steamer about 1882 or 1883, and was met by Aimé Domange in Punta Arenas.

It was certain that Mr Dunsmure and Mr Roig had been drowned, but the Chilean law did not recognize this, as proof was lacking. Father and Mother therefore went up to Montevideo, and were married as the Hotel de la Paix of Montevideo on the 3rd. August, 1880. The wedding took place during the period of Father's Consulship of Punta Arenas, and he was thirty six years of age at the time. Mother, who was Mr Roig's

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widow, had been married previously ten years before, on 6th. June, 1870.

In the year 1877 there occurred a terrible mutiny of troops and convicts in Punta Arenas. The details of this disaster, which has been fully recorded, are set forth in the following copy of a report by Mr Greenwood, published in an issue of the Buenos Aires Standard in 1900. The incidents of Mother's plucky action in protecting the Governor, and of Father's resistance on behalf of the women and children, which are not included in Mr Greenwood's published article, are of particular interest to us.

" I presume everyone has heard of this most disastrous occurrence, and I know it was published in these columns, but if I remember rightly all the descriptions given were of a vague character, and neither the causes of the event nor the circumstances connected with it were quite understood. We may call this Mutiny, Revolution, or whatever it may be termed, the turning point of our career, as since then everything has gone on prosperously and well. Before this the country had been grievously neglected and both Argentines and Chileans evidently considered that Patagonia was a bad speculation and really not worth the trouble of looking after. Certainly it required a fillip [stimulus] to remind people that such a country existed, and, in fact, this circumstance acted as a very good advertisement. Be that as it may, it is certain that everyone's attention was drawn to the place; it was no longer a myth, but a country worthy of even a mutiny and massacre, and from the date of this occurrence you can commence a record of undisturbed prosperity which has existed, with few interruptions, till this date. I mentioned in a previous article that our Governor, Sr. Viel, was superseded by a Chilean officer named Dublé. I do not think he was a bad man, but he was certainly more injudicious and the greatest tyrant I have ever met. I remember that a favourite expression of his was "I came here to arrange the affairs of this neglected colony, and mean to do so" - to do him justice, he kept his word, and did arrange it in a most satisfactory manner, inasmuch as when he left, half the place was reduced to a pile of ashes, the soldiers and convicts had cleared out en masse, and a hundred or more of the inhabitants

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were massacred in a most barbarous manner. Everyone knew that the tyrannies exercised by the Governor and his myrmidons must eventually lead to some climax or other, but when the event eventually took place it came like a thunderclap and took everyone by surprise. The leaders of the mutiny, viz. Sergeants Riquelme and Estuardo had arranged for the affair to take place on the National Feast Day, 18th of September, and everything was most correctly fixed off for that date. It was not the idea of the mutineers to destroy the colony or in any way to injure the colonists; all they wanted was vengeance on the Governor, the Captain of the troops, and other tyrannical officers. I do not blame them in the least - the soldiers were good men and the regiment quartered in Sandy Point was an exceptionally good and well disciplined one, and a credit to any country. Notwithstanding this, the officers treated them with the utmost severity, discipline was never relaxed, and punishment, principally by flogging, took place every day. For the smallest offence a man received a 100, 200, or even 300 blows with a leña dura [type of hard wood] stick; if he could not stand it all the first day, he received the balance as soon as his lacerated back was able to bear it. Once sentenced, the poor wretch was never forgiven and the chiefs took the greatest delight in witnessing the punishment, and were very angry if the blows were not inflicted in really good form. As for the unfortunate convicts, it can be easily be imagined how they fared, constantly in chains, in solitary confinement, or receiving corporal punishment - who can wonder that they were driven to absolute desperation? Well, on the 18th Sept. it poured with rain all day, and the soldiers being wet and uncomfortable and on this day at least, having every comfort provided for them, and also most unusual license for general amusement, proceeded to get hopelessly drunk and remained so 'till long after the hour named for the general rendezvous, moreover they were in a good temper, as men will be when they find themselves well treated and generally happy, so the rising did not come off. (However, the fire was only smouldering, and required but a very slight effort to fan it into a blaze). This happened on the following morning, for the officers, after the dissipations of the 18th Sept. had all sore heads and were, if possible, more vicious and inclined for cruelty than before. A lot of innocent men were flogged, and all suffered more or less abuse. This was the last straw, and the mutiny was arranged for a few weeks later (some time early in November, I forget the exact date). Everything was arranged in a most methodical manner at first, and had the orders of the chiefs been obeyed, when carried out, nothing could have saved the destined victims from complete annihilation. Unfortunately it was not so - I use the word unfortunately deliberately, for in my opinion the doomed men well deserved the fate intended for them. First of all, the guns belonging to the Regiment were dragged out from the Cuartel [Barracks] and made all ready for action exactly in front of the Government House. Sentinels were placed at both front and back doors, both of the Governor's residence, and those of

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the various officers. The intention was to call them up one by one and then kill them, and this would certainly have been done, but some enthusiastic mutineer who was in charge of one of the guns, lost patience and discharged it full at the Governor's residence. The ball passed clear through the place, and even pierced the wall over the bed where his Majesty was sleeping. He immediately sprang out of bed, with a revolver in each hand, and rushing to the front door found a sentinel stationed there. Unfortunately the man was young and had lately joined the regiment, so, when the Governor appeared in sleeping guise and presented two revolvers at him, he judiciously lowered his arms and let his superior pass. The Governor, of course, immediately saw that what he must have been expecting had come to pass, and without taking thought for wife or children, made tracks for the beach, which was the only place of refuge, all the outlets from the colony being guarded.

N.B. The following text is not present in Greenwood's newspaper article.

The mutineers searched not only the Governor's house, but every house where it might be possible for the Governor to have gone to. The Governor, after his escape, took refuge in Dr and Mrs Fenton's house, being naturally terrified. An exceedingly brave act was then done to save his life - Mrs Fenton and Mrs Reynard got him in a room, covered him with rugs, and sat on him while the mutineers were searching the house. On reaching this room, they searched it also, but did not disturb the two ladies, who very bravely looked on as if nothing were the matter. Had this ruse been discovered there is not a shadow of doubt that the two ladies would have been murdered. After this the Governor made his escape.

The commander of the troops did not escape so easily. Rushing to his door on hearing the report of the cannon, he was confronted by the sentinel, an old soldier whom he had flogged a few days previously without rhyme or reason. This man did not less his enemy pass, but shot him dead on the spot. Several soldiers, on hearing the report, came to the spot, amongst them Sergeant Riquelme. They mutilated the dead body in a barbarous manner, but did no injury to the dead man's wife, family, or servants, only they told them to leave the house at once, which they were of course only too glad to do. The mutineers then set fire to the house, and went to the Governor's house to see what was going on. On finding the sentinel at the door, Riquelme asked him where the Governor was - the man answered "Salió Señor" ["He left, Sir."]. Hearing this, Riquelme shot the man dead, and afterwards proceeded to ransack the house, where of course he only found Mrs Dublé and her children. At first the infuriated men seemed inclined to wreak their vengeance on them, but restrained by their leader they allowed them to pass and contented themselves with ransacking the house from top to bottom. All the other officers' houses were visited, but all with the exception of the commander of the troops, had cleared out to the woods.

Up to this time there had been a certain amount of discipline amongst the mutineers, but, finding that their principal objects of hatred had escaped them, they were literally mad with rage, and commenced pillaging and burning in every direction.

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I must however do them the justice to say that up to this time, they respected the women and children, and even went so far as to give Mrs Fenton, the wife of the English doctor and her family and other ladies an escort to see them safe out of the place. The late Dr Fenton was so much beloved by everyone that although he was a Chilean officer no one attempted to injure him, but they kept him a prisoner to tend the wounded, who by this time were numerous as the mutineers had not only quarrelled among themselves, but were firing promiscuous shots in every direction. Another great mistake they made was to break open the Cuartel and set free all the convicts, to whom they supplied arms, and after this there was nothing but confusion bloodshed and rapine.

More than half the mischief was done by the convicts who, when once they found themselves free, started on plundering the stores, killing all who resisted and committing every atrocity they could think of.

The plan which had been arranged between the leaders of the insurrection was to board the first ocean steamer which happened to pass, seize her, and clear out for some other country; with this object they had made prisoners of the Captain of the port and all the sailors who were not mixed up in the conspiracy. Their intention was to board the vessel they intended to seize in exactly the manner as that officer and his crew would have done in the ordinary course and then take possession of her. This plan was, of course, frustrated by the mere fact of all the men getting drunk and disclosing their intentions to everyone. Amongst the first to hear this were the two principal English residents, viz. Mr J. Dunsmure, the British Consul, and his partner and friend Mr H. L. Reynard. Some of the mutineers paid these gentlemen a visit at their little quinta [plot of land] about three miles distant from the colony, but beyond a little promiscuous plundering and drinking, did not molest them, but their intentions leaked out and Messrs Dunsmure and Reynard determined to frustrate them. Therefore, when they first saw the smoke of the Kosmos [shipping line] steamer coming from the South, they embarked in a little boat they had, and set off to intercept her. The mutineers, who were occupied in drinking and plundering, did not see them 'till too late; but they fired several shots after them (luckily without effect). The Englishmen managed therefore to cross the steamer's path and stop her. Had it not been for this it is impossible to say what end the affair would have had, but I think it more than probable that the vessel would have been taken, and all these ruffians would have got clear away. I, in common with everyone else, considered that great praise was due to both the English gentlemen mentioned, for the energy they displayed in this matter.

N.B. The following text is not present in Greenwood's newspaper article.

During the mutiny Mr Reynard, as British Vice-Consul, gathered a number of ladies and children in his house, under the British flag of the Consulate, and there he himself confronted at his door the mutineers and convicts, who went to him to demand that a certain English ship loaded with coal should be

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handed over to them. (Official papers and documents belonging to the Consulate were, I believe, also there.) Mr. Reynard refused their demands, and would not let them enter the house; he stood at the front door with a revolver in his hand, and, guaranteeing that the people in the house were genuinely women and children, he called upon the mutineers not to molest them. He said, when relating the incident, that he had resolved to shoot as many of the mutineers as he could, and then shoot himself, had they not respected the British flag of the Consulate. He also hoisted a flag to indicate that the Kosmos steamer, a British ship, was due to call at the port of Punta Arenas - the mutineers did not know of course, that Mr Reynard and Mr Dunsmure had warned the ship of what was happening, and they hoped to capture the ship, and thus get away; instead of which they were arrested on board and put in chains and taken to Valparaiso and thence to Santiago. This very clever and brave action undoubtedly saved the situation, as many of the mutineers especially the ring-leaders, were taken away from Punta Arenas.

Of course forewarned is forearmed, and on hearing the news the Captain of the vessel armed all his men, and being a plucky fellow determined to distinguish himself. Arriving at Sandy Point the vessel anchored on the usual place and lowered her side ladder. The Captain placed a line of men on each side of the gangway all ready to arrest the expected enemies. The boat duly came alongside and the crew came quietly up the ladder, having the Captain of the Port (whom they had brought with them in full uniform) before them, to make it look as if it was only the ordinary visit. I imagine their surprise when, as each man came aboard, he was quietly arrested and his arms taken from him - nothing could be neater. The vessel then steamed off, without further intercourse with the shore people, and on arrival at Montevideo, sent the prisoners back by another vessel, which deposited them on board the "Chacabuco", a Chilean man-of-war which had been for some time stationed at Sandy Point, but happened by ill-luck to be absent on a surveying expedition at the time of the mutiny.

These men were eventually shot at Punta Arenas, a fate they well merited, although they were not the ringleaders in the affair. In fact, Sergeant Pozo, one of them, had been strongly against it from the very first, but having many friends amongst the men, he could not avoid being drawn into it. He was, I considered, a highly respectable man, and worthy of a better fate. But it was impossible in a case like this to exonerate him. He was certainly taken in company with the other offenders, and had had ample opportunities of warning the authorities of the disaster that was impending.

To return to the unfortunate Governor Dublé, he arrived safely on the beach and then followed along the coast, always under the shelter of the cliffs 'till he came to Cape Negro, where he fetched up at a farm house occupied by one of his friends. They did not at first recognise him, as he was very lightly clad in his night gear, had no hat, and held a loaded

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revolver in each hand. However, he soon made himself known, and demanded the loan of horses and a man as guide to take him to Skyring Water, where the man-of-war was surveying. As was natural, he was in a terrible state of alarm and excitement, and was trembling all over, whether from fear or cold he knows best: to judge by the way he abandoned his family, I should say it was the former. In any case he had reason to tremble, for if the mutineers had caught him, it is no common death he would have experienced.

After refreshing and clothing him, he was given good horses and a competent guide and set off for Skyring Water to warn the man-of-war of what was happening. He reached there safely, got on board, and arrived at Sandy Point just in time to find all the mutineers had cleared out for the North, taking with them every horse they could find and all the valuables they could carry. It will not take long to follow the fortunes of this party (of about two hundred persons including a few women and children) to the end. The men were constantly quarrelling on the road, and the two leaders were both killed; one of the women was barbarous enough to abandon her two little children a few leagues from Punta Arenas and the poor little wretches starved under a bush close to the roadside. They could not possibly carry half the booty they had brought with them, as the horses they had were quite insufficient for the work, being very poor after a terribly hard winter. By the time they arrived at Santa Cruz, a great many had strayed away and got lost, and not a few were killed in quarrels which occurred on the road. I think about 100 passed the river, calling on the road at Pavon Island where they exchanged some of their stolen goods for provisions and proceeded up the coast with the intention of reaching the Argentine territories. Fortunately for them they met a man-of-war surveying the coast, which took them on board and conveyed them to Buenos Aires, where, I believe, they were put in prison for a short time and afterwards liberated. I saw one of them not very long ago serving in the Argentine troop of soldiers in Santa Cruz. I held a long conversation with him, and he considered the whole affair a capital joke and recounted with much gusto the history of his adventures whilst engaged in the Sandy Point Mutiny. The details he gave me were too revolting for me to mention them here. He told me that some of his companions were doing very well in this country, and that one was an officer in the army. Whether he was speaking the truth or not I can't say.

The few mutineers who were captured in the Colony of Punta Arenas were shot there after a long and impartial trial. They all died game to the backbone, and each one declared in his dying speech that, far from being sorry for what they had done, their only regret was that they had not carried out the main object they had in revolting, viz. to kill the Governor and a large portion of the officers, by whom they had been constantly ill-treated and abused. They one and all declared that it had not been their intention to destroy the colony or maltreat the inhabitants. I fully believe this, and consider that

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the most horrible things were committed by the convicts they so foolishly let loose.

This is the history of the great Sandy Point tragedy, so far as I know it. I do not wish to be a bird of ill omen, but still I must say that I do not think it will be the 'last' thing of the sort that will occur - unless times are very much changed since I left. "

A brief reference might here be made to a further object of the mutineers' hatred, one Julio Isarnotegui. Isarnotegui was acting judge in Punta Arenas at that time, and the mutineers planned to capture and kill him - he escaped, however, and later became owner of Cape Manzana and Palomares, which ranches were managed for him by the late Alban Ladouch.

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Returning to Mr Hamilton's arrival at Punta Arenas, Aimé Domange arranged with a Frenchman named Cordinese [Cordonnier, settler at Chabunco] to take him to Oazy Harbour. At this time Father had two loads of sheep from Shallow Bay West Falklands, at Oazy Harbour, and Mr Hamilton went to Oazy Harbour to look after these sheep. At the same time, Father had on Elizabeth Island, about 1,500 mixed sheep, and about 500 head of cattle.

Aimé Domange was looking after the store in Punta Arenas which belonged to Mother, and which was eventually sold, the proceeds of the sale supplying funds to run Oazy Harbour on a larger scale. Oazy Harbour was looked after by Father and Mother for "Roig and Co." a/c, and all its accounts were always kept separate from Father's own affairs in connection with Elizabeth Island.

The Frenchman Cordinese lived at Cabo Negro, (now belonging to Braun) and he and Mr Hamilton rode out together. Horses were very scarce and sore backed in this days, and it took them four days to reach Oazy Harbour. The first day, they got to Cabo Negro, where Cordinese had his little house, wife and family - next day he went out shooting geese to leave with his family, as it would be some time before he returned from Oazy Harbour. The next day's march was to Fish River [Río Pescado], and the last day, to Oazy Harbour.

At this time old Mr William Ness was at Oazy Harbour looking after stock for Father, and both Mr T. Saunders and Mr Jamieson were there helping Father to shear the sheep. After the shearing was over, Mother and Father with Nell, who was

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about two years old, and Mr Hamilton, went to Elizabeth Island and did the shearing there - there were about 5,000 and 1,500 sheep respectively, at Oazy Harbour and Elizabeth Island at this time, and 500 cattle referred to previously at Elizabeth Island. After shearing, Mother and Father and Nell returned to Oazy Harbour, and Mr Hamilton stayed to ship cattle from Elizabeth Island to Oazy Harbour - about 500 head - in the old schooner "Louisa", Captain Pritchard in command. Father also sold some sheep from Elizabeth Island to Mr Jamieson - 150, and to José Montes and Victoriano Rivera, 500.

Mr Hamilton remembers well how he parted these sheep; he knew almost every individual sheep on the island. He built a pen and a little race, and parted off and marked the sheep - and old ewes, into three lots, for Montes, Rivera and Jamieson; if any looked a bit stronger than the others Jamieson was favoured with his mark.

Captain Pritchard took these sheep to Fish River and landed them where Jamieson, Montes and Rivera were waiting for them. They had a row on landing the sheep, as Montes and Rivera said to Jamieson that "parece su paisano Hamilton nos ha engañado" [it appears that your fellow countryman Hamilton has deceived us] and it nearly resulted in a free fight. They complained to Father that they had been "done", but Captain Pritchard upheld Hamilton and said he did not see any difference in the sheep - they were all very old!

After having shipped the cattle to Oazy Harbour, and the sheep to the purchasers, Mr Hamilton went to Oazy Harbour. In the meantime there had been some questions raised as to the

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rental of lands in Chile, at Valparaiso, and Father was selected to go and interview the authorities. He and Mother went together to Valparaiso, and were away for about four months during the winter. Mr Yonge, who was at this time prospecting for gold, and was an old friend of Father's, came to Oazy Harbour to represent him there. He was very keen on lion hunting, and spent most of his time in this way.

On H. L. Reynard's return from Valparaiso, he and an old Frenchman named Alexander, decided to go on an expedition to the North. Alexander was a very nice old man who lived in camp, hunting ostrich and guanaco - he used to come occasionally for a few days visit to Oazy Harbour to buy stores, etc. He and Father went off together, and were away for about five weeks, having been 'round by Monte Dinero and up to where Gallegos now is (there was absolutely nothing there then - not a house). Father decided to try to rent a piece of camp about Monte Dinero but he did not get this land, as it had already been granted to Mr Wood (father of Walter Wood) who had applied for it to Governor Moyano in the Falklands - the Governor had gone to the Falklands to try to induce settlers to come to Patagonia. The governación [governor's office] was formerly at Santa Cruz, and it was Governor Moyano who transferred it to Gallegos, where it still is. Wood already had land on the Chilean side at Punta Delgada, but not in the Argentine, previous to the granting to him of this land.

Mr Wood accompanied Governor Moyano on a sailing ship from the Falklands to Punta Delgada, with sheep which were being

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brought over to establish the Chilean estancia. The contract was drawn on board the ship between Mr Wood and Governor Moyano for the Argentine land, on behalf of the Waldron and Wood family resident at that time in England - this was signed about 1884.

About this time many prospective settlers made a start and it is due to these old pioneers that the country is so prosperous to-day.

Mr Hamilton tells an amusing story of one of these settlers, a chemist from Valparaiso, a German named Sagos [?], who wished to start sheep farming but had no knowledge of sheep. He engaged an Austrian, José, and they set off together to spend the winter out in camp. They fetched up near where Glencross settlement used to be. One day a stray sheep came down to the river to drink, probably one that had escaped from Punta Delgada. They caught it and had it sogar'ed [(literally) roped] out and kept it to see how it progressed; after some days it snowed hard, the sheep was still kept tied up, and died one day, so Sagos decided that his experiment proved that Glencross was no place for a sheep farm and they packed up their traps and returned to Punta Arenas.

Geology of Patagonia. Mr Hamilton expresses a strong belief that the pampas have risen up - he gives as an example a whale that he found dead with a broken iron spear in its body and showed me the rib, and the spear-head in it. This whale was found forty yards inland from the highest water mark, and many feet above sea-level; but this is only a suggestion. Curiously enough our friend James MacVinnie has seen a whale

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which has been harpooned, come ashore and struggle and struggle until it was well above the sea-level, and probably this explains why the whale at Punta Loyola is also so far above sea-level.

Referring to an incident of many years ago, Mr Hamilton tells me of a talk he had with old "Manchado", the Indian chief, well known by name to us to-day and one of the most intelligent of the Indians in those old days. He told Mr Hamilton that when he was a young boy he remembers well hearing how his tribesmen escaped from a huge fire which swept the whole country from the Cordillera, and burned Indians, horses, guanaco, ostrich, etc; his family and tribe were saved by getting into the Ciaike valley where it was wet and boggy, and did not burn - here guanaco and ostrich stopped too. The fire burned 'round a long time, and when the Indians took up track towards Gallegos, Manchado said their horses had their legs all burned to the knees breaking through still mouldering ground, showing that the camp must have been very badly burned.

This all goes to prove that fire did sweep the country, and may account for the fact that one sees every day the burnt appearance of stones and gravel.

Old Manchado and Mulato, both fine old Indian chiefs now dead, are fresh in our memory, and most of us have seen them often. The latter were buried by Walter Harris and Jones Chico in the vega [meadow] near where old Dorée's settlement used to be in the Zurdo camp. Manchado, Mr Hamilton thinks, was buried by the Indians from the Camusú Aike reserve. Small-pox claimed

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Mulato as its victim, Harris and Jones being the only ones who would bury the old chief along with his gear, ready for his future hunting ground, according to their old custom.

The Indians are fast dying out - the Indian reserve at Camusú Aike is too high for winter camp, and the vices of "Christians" have a detrimental influence on the breed. A few families exist on some of the old estancias - among the few, Jamieson's, Hallidays, and Hamilton still protect them and each keep a family - they live in the camp in their capas [cloaks] and kill guanaco and ostrich. At Punta Loyola in Feb. 1920, old Sichocho and his china [native woman / wife] and family, two boys and two girls nearly grown up now, were living in camp on the coast, killing guanaco and ostrich and taming a few odd colts for Mr Hamilton. Sichocho is old now, and does not try to ride colts - his day is past; the china and girls are good hands at sewing capas, and so pass their life, the olden days probably not yet forgotten even by them.

Mr Hamilton and I talked of the curious large boulders one finds in the Gallegos valley and 'round Otway Station camps. Huge floods, he believes, must have swept these areas and great ice fields with these stones frozen in them must have been stranded high and dry, and remain 'till this day. The stones correspond with the rock one finds in the Cordillera, and there seems to be very little doubt but this must be the explanation.

Returning to Oazy Harbour and its progress - Soon after Father's expedition to Monte Dinero and Gallegos with

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Alexander, gold was discovered at Cape Virgins, by a Frenchman called Arneau (not the present estanciero) who went to Cape Virgins to get wreckage from a big liner wrecked there - the "Arctic", loaded with general cargo. While taking away material in a little cart, he noticed that shiny ore like gold stuck to the clay on the wheels - this ore turned out to be gold dust, and led to the gold working at Cape Virgins. Many people from Punta Arenas, among them Sr. José Montes, went there to try their luck.

Father decided it would be good business to send wethers for sale to the miners, so Mr Hamilton and the Austrian José (who had been with Sagos) took about 150 sheep and drove them there. They took a little pair of scales for weighing out the gold dust in payment for sheep, a tent to live in, and pickets and net to keep sheep in. After arriving at the gold field the miners put their heads together and refused to buy sheep at the price - 24 grammes of dust - a few were bought at this price. After their appetites were satisfied they would not buy more, and at night they came and frightened away the sheep. They were lost for three days - Mr Hamilton and José hunted high and low, but could not find them, and in despair Mr Hamilton sent off his dog "Shag", and in about two hours the dog appeared, driving the flock, which had got into a hollow and there they had stayed - as there was plenty of grass the sheep were all there. Mr Hamilton says old "Shag" was the best dog he ever had, and when he left Oazy Harbour Frank took care of "Shag"

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for him. The sheep were driven back to Oazy Harbour - a great disappointment to both Mr Hamilton and Father; the expedition lasted about three weeks.

From a collection of very disconnected notes we have glimpses of some very interesting events, mostly in connection with the early days of Oazy Harbour.

Mr T. Saunders tells us that he brought sheep from the Falklands to start Otway Station in the "Rippling Wave", a Falkland Island schooner, which he chartered, and went with her himself. The "Rippling Wave" [see the following handwritten note on reverse side of page] was formerly the "Orissa" of Falklands. The sheep industry in the Falklands had been existing and prospering for some fifty years before Patagonia became a stock country.

Mr Saunders worked for José Menéndez at San Gregorio when he first came to Patagonia; San Gregorio was purchased by Menéndez from a Frenchman [Marius Andrieu]. Mr Saunders, along with Mr Jamieson, also helped Father to shear sheep at Oazy Harbour.

Mr Morrison tells me that he got his first mob of sheep from Elizabeth Island from Father. He came down from San Julián, and after arriving at Punta Arenas, he bought there sheep at 14/- each and sixpence for shipping to Oazy Harbour - he drove them himself up to Río Zurdo.

Mr Saunders also bought 1,500 sheep from Elizabeth Island, after having lost nearly all the sheep he had got from the Falkland Islands - this mob was almost the first lot to be sold from Elizabeth Island, and were landed at Pecket Harbour and driven to Otway Station by Mr Saunders himself.

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Handwritten note on reverse side of page

Mr John Smith of Coyle, telling me (H.M. McV.) [Henriette Marie Reynard, daughter of Henry Reynard, wife of James McVinnie, Ed.] of their first crossings from the Falklands with sheep for Coyle, said that out of 1000 shipped on their first trip, only 300 were landed - the schooner having to wait so long before she could get a favourable breeze to take her through the channel out to sea after loading. There was so little ventilation in her holds that the sheep between decks died from the effects of the bad air coming up from the sheep below them. They were fed with tussock grass, and water given to them from a bottle, each sheep being given a mark after his drink. This particular voyage took them 18 days. The "Rippling Wave", a pretty little wooden ship, generally made the trip in about 3 days, and used to lose very few sheep, being a very good sea boat.

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The first lot of cattle to go to Oazy Harbour were shipped in [blank space] by Mr Hamilton from Elizabeth Island, and the herd used to have a very big stray in the vega [meadow] under the San Gregorio range Río Baptisimo [?], where Gringos Duros [literally, Hard Foreigners; popular name for Estancia Oazy Harbour under 20th century management] now is. The original cattle were Falkland Island stock. Mr Hamilton got Meyrick MacLean [cousin of John MacLean] to come over from the Falkland Islands and help him at Elizabeth Island.

The sheep Mr Morrison bought were landed at Oazy Harbour - about 200 got away, over towards Blue Hills, and Father, Frank and Mr Morrison hunted for them and got them gathered up; Mr Morrison then took them off to Penitente. He also bought, at a later date, 200 mares, and foals, from Oazy Harbour at ten shillings each. The mares were all picked alternately by Mr Morrison and Frank, and then counter marked - at night the mobs used to get mixed up again, and it was a difficult job.

The Oazy Harbour horses originated from the Agua Fresca breed belonging to the Government and bought by Father from the Governor. The stallions came from the Northern Argentine - they were driven overland from Río Negro by Mr Will Saunders, Guillermo Hope, Baldy MacKay, and MacGeorge, and came from 'round Bahía Blanca. A very celebrated stallion in those time came from Williams of Santa Cruz - he threw some extraordinarily good colts, and was with a zaino madrina [chestnut-coloured lead mare]; the colts were the pride of Oazy Harbour.

The leasing of Magallanes land had started in 1885,

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for twenty years - the rents were for five year terms, and were auctioned for and averaged from five cents to fifteen cents per hectare. The remate [auction] sale of land in Chile was in 1903, and was completed in 1904.

Oazy Harbour, Punta Delgada, and Pecket Harbour were all bought by a Chilean Co. which had been formed in Valparaiso to buy these lands. They paid from twelve to fourteen Chilean dollars per hectare for the land, and afterwards sold to Explotadora Tierra del Fuego, to-day the biggest sheep farming concern in the world.

Father was exceedingly generous to all his friends and to those who bought sheep or stock from him; he gave them long credit, and never hurried payment, as he always trusted them and knew that they were all in the same boat, and capital was very scarce in those old days. His old friends all tell the same story - his advice was always greatly appreciated, and he was consulted by his friends, who valued all the information he could give them; no finer friend ever lived, they all say - he was always ready to lend a helping hand to those 'round him.

Maria Columbia. While Father had Elizabeth Island he was also in partnership with Captain Valverde, in the ownership of the "Maria Columbia" - Captain Valverde sailed the "Maria Columbia" down from Buenos Aires, until he afterwards sold his share in the vessel to Father, who now owned her. Captain Harry Rothemburg ran the old ship for nine years on a 10% profit basis and wages. In these nine years. Captain Harry tells me, he and

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Father never had a cross word together - his admiration of his boss is far beyond my pen to try to describe.

The principal work of the "Maria Columbia" was on general cargo and wool on the coast, and she was always hard at work and never lost any time for want of cargo. A few seal used also to fall to her lot. She was an old schooner, but splendidly built of oak - all her tackle was of raw hide, and she was a splendid sea boat, and very well equipped.

We have tried to study more closely the progress of Oazy Harbour and Elizabeth Island, which necessarily required all Father's and Mother's attention, and so we have collected the following notes from an old account book, which gives detailed figures of the beginning of Oazy Harbour. The accounts are beautifully kept, in the most up to date manner by Father himself, in his own hand writing.

1883.  From an old account book dated 1883, in H. L. Reynard's hand writing, at Cañadón Vacas, the following entries are recorded -

" A/c of sheep stock purchased from Holmstead and Blake of Shallow Bay, Falklands"

1883. 1st Voyage. £ s. d.
March 22 562 sheep @ 8/- ech.
224. 16. 0.
  519 of which landed
@ 2d. per head for 500
4. 3. 4.
  1 man 4. 0. 0.
  Passage of Mr Reynard
and keep of 2 men on
board @ 3/- day.
4. 0. 0.

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1883. 2nd Voyage. £ s. d.
March 30 761 sheep @ 8/- 304. 8. 0.
  15 rams @ £1 ech. 15. 0. 0.
  742 landed paid as
if 730 @ 2d.
6. 1. 8.
  1 man 3. 0. 0.
  Keep of 2 men on board
3/- a day and passage
of Mr Reynard.
4. 0. 0.
 
1883. 3rd Trip. £ s. d.
May 27. 896 sheep @ 8/- 358. 4. 0.
  790 landed paid as
if 780 @ 2d. ech.
6. 10. 0.
  2 men 7. 0. 0.
  Passage of Pettit and
keep of 2 men on board
4. 0. 0.
 
                   4th Voyage.      
     965 sheep @ 8/- 386. 0. 0.
  911 landed paid as
if 897 @ 2d. ech.
7. 9. 6.
  2 men without keep. 8. 0. 0.
         
  Expenses of Freights in 3 voyages.
Sheep - 2219.
Rams  -   15.
     
  [Sum] - 2234.      
  @ 5/- each. 558. 10. 0.
  @ 6/- each
965 sheep
289. 10. 0.
    ----------
    848. 0. 0.
  less 5%. 42. 8. 0.
    ----------
    805. 12. 0.
    ----------

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Contd.

              £ s. d.
    Freight paid to Kosmos Co. 605. 12. 0.
  Passage of H.L.R. by "Rance". 7. 10. 0.
  Passage of Mr Pettit by "Malvinas" 8. 0. 0.
  Keep for men on "Malvinas" 11. 14. 0.
  Exp. of H.L.R. in Falklands. 23. 18. 6.
  Exp. of schooner "Fair Rosamond" 10. 0. 0.
  Exp. of sailors, etc. 1. 5. 0.
  Servants on board.   12. 6.
  Whiskey and oat meal flour.   14. 6.
    -----------------
  Grand Total. £2215. 19. 0.
    -----------------

In the month of June of 1883 we counted all the flock, resulting in 2,600 head made up as follows -

1883.      
June 23. Total ewes. 2142. } 2167.
  Total rams. 15. }
       
      Lamb marking.    
       
Nov. 17. Rincon and La Vega.    
  ewes. 568. } 1081.
  wethers. [castrated lambs] 400. }
  rams. 95. }
  torunos.
[ram with single testicle/
partially castrated]
18. }
       
Nov. 17.     Lamb marking.    
       
  Susannah Cove.    
  ewes. 320. } 627.
  wethers. 283. }
  rams. 13. }
  torunos. 11. }
       
      Grand total.   3875.

From the above 3875 up to date we have found dead in camp since July 23rd., 78, leaving alive at present

                      sheep               3797.

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The next entry is in 1884, May 8th - counted at dipping time 3771, leaving dead and unaccounted for from Nov. 17th of 1885 to May 8th, 26 total.

On examining these figures, which are all beautifully kept in Father's own hand writing, all in Spanish in very up to present date account methods, I find that the first lamb marking recorded is in Nov. 17th, 1883.

The number of breeding ewes is 2142, the number of lambs marked being 1708, giving 79% average.

The flocks seem to have gone from lamb marking to May 8th 1884, when they were all dipped, the count then being 3771. In December 1884, the second lamb marking is all neatly tabulated, a gross flock of 3771, giving

1486   ewes.
1496   wethers.
15   rams.
13   torunos.
------------    
3010   total lambs

On examining these figures the percentage works out at almost 80%.

December 3rd., the date of lamb marking, shows an entry of 97 killed by lions, skins recovered; also others dead 62, making 159 dead and accounted for. A further entry gives encontrados podridos [found rotting] 78, which makes up the total to 6781.

1885. The first entry for this year gives Jan. 26th. on Dr. side - [Dr = Debtor / Debit (accounting term)]

Should exist 6544 sheep.
Purchased from Mr Saunders 45 ram lambs.

On the Credit side is -

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Through the dip 6164.
We knew that we left in camp 27.
Loss since May 8th 1884 - killed by lions etc. 398.
    leaving 6191 as counted on 1st. Feb.  
   
Feb. 8th. Changed with Saunders for his 45 ram lambs
     103 sheep ewes.
 

The next entry is Nov.26 lamb marking; on a flock of 6191 gross were marked -

Ewes. 1579.
Wethers. 1278.
Rams. 202.
Torunos. 50.
  --------
  3109.

which gives only 50%.

On the Credit side, 216 sheep ewes were sold to A. Ness - 144 lambs to Ness. July 31st. to Montes and Jamieson, 515. This left Oazy Harbour with 8316 of a flock to start the season. However, the fates seem hard, as in August, after lamb marking from Jan 25th to Aug 1st. the loss was 479 - from Aug. to Dec. 31st 107 killed by lions and missing.

An interesting entry - 21 sheep sold to "Rippling Wave". Killed for mutton, and loss in weather [?], flock 230, so that the season of 1885 was a severe one with heavy losses.

1886. Jan. 1st. Should exist 7479.
  April 18. Dip in Rincon Grande 6188
    Dipped wethers 2239.
       
    Making a total of 8427.
     
  June 9th, is an entry  
  Brought from Elizabeth Island 541 sheep.

This is the first mention made of Elizabeth Island - although I believe that Elizabeth Island had sheep on it before Oazy Harbour, it belonged to H.L.R. [Henry Leonard Reynard], not Roig and Co., and as Oazy Harbour was Roig and Co., the accounts Father kept quite separate

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and at present no trace of these accounts have we found.

In the year 1886, an entry mentions killed by shepherd in camp, Finlayson, Walker, Burns, Collins, Edwards, for mutton. Also very interesting entries, June 2nd. sent to Punta Arenas 128, one of which was sent to Uncle Aimé [Domange]; on Oct. 15th, another 100 sheep were sent to Punta Arenas.

1883 - 1884. Going back to these two years, a detailed a/c of wool sale is kept by Father. It gives -

April 1884. 3 bales skins and 29 bales wool ex "San Pedro" to Punta Arenas, @ 5$ bale - 150$. This was reshipped by the "Aconcagua" from Punta Arenas to London, 15253 lbs gross @ ¾d per lb - £47-13-4. Interest @ 5% for 81 days, 10/8; insurance 2/3% - 9/-; storage £ 6-10-9. sale exp 4d per bale - 9/8; commission £3-15-4. This wool was consigned apparently to Williams and Overbury of London.

  10684 lbs fetching @ 7½ lb. £333-17-6.
  2558 lbs fetching @ 4d lb. 42-12-6.

These prices seem absurd to us to-day; the freight was over 1d. per lb. on this wool.

A very detailed account is given of shearing expenses at Oazy Harbour. It includes -

29 bales baling @ 1$ each 29$
Zunchos [metal hoops] - 3½ cwt. 39$
12 lbs string for bales 5$
10lbs rivets 3$

Expenses of shearing and baling are also given, outside of peones expenses -

Mr T. Saunders 45.00
W. Croft (cook) 20.00
H. Jamieson 40.80
Foreman 30.00
Cost of keeping 2 [?] men 1 month [illegible]

/p.93/

The skins - 3 bales - fetched 1375 lbs weight @ 3½d. per lb - £20-1-0.
     
From the total sale in 1884 of wool - skins, a profit of  £327-6-10. was made; the first lot of wool sent from Oazy Harbour to London.
     
1885.  The clip for 1885 was
        65 bales wool  
  5 bales skins  

which were sent from Oazy harbour to Punta Arenas by "Louisa" @ 11/- bale; the exchange was then 8.50$ to £1. From Punta Arenas the wool was shipped by "Aconcagua" - the freight from Punta Arenas to England was £93-12-10.

In this year an account of Tom Saunders' shows that Father undertook shipping of wool for his friends; the freights charged were ¾d per lb. to London on 1042 lbs.; this wool fetched 2d. per lb.

Father also shows an account for Dr T. Fenton in which he shows dip, bagging, at 4d. per yard.

1886.  In April Mr T. Saunders bought 300 sheep @ 16/- each from Father. The same sort of work was done by Father for Wm. Ness, as he did for Dr Fenton and Tom Saunders, buying dip etc. At this time Wm. Ness must have been working for Father, as two items are -

Paid Ness for shearing 1503 sheep @ 16/- per 100-   £120.
for lamb marking -    3.
 
1886 - Nov 18th.   The lamb marking -

Rams. 67.
Torunos. 69.
Wethers. 2047.
Ewes. 2038.
  --------
  4221.
  --------

/p.94/

On the debit side of the sheep stock a/c the loss appears

77 from lions
14 killed by dogs
311 lambs died after marking.

The loss from July 13 to Dec.14 was 230.

In December a point of 100 sheep were sent to Punta Arenas, presumably for mutton.

At the end of 1886 the sheep stock amounted to 13189.

1887. The year started with 13189 sheep - shearing in January, dipping in April. The lamb marking showed -

Wethers 2231. } 4578, from flock ewes.
Rams. 10. }
Ewes. 2337. }

From the hogget ewes, the lamb marking is -

Wethers 211. } 432.               
Ewe lambs. 221. }

On the debit side of sheep stock a/c appears a sale of 102 ewes to Wm. Clarke in May - also 51 sent to Punta Arenas in May and another lot of 60 in October.

Quite a lot of lambs died after marking - 340 more or less. Also 104 (sheep) died of old age.

1888. From Elizabeth Island came a lot in April, of 1000 ewes and 1000 wethers - the year started with a total of 19157, the shearing loss in January was 230, for the rest of the year the loss was approx. 1093. The lamb marking in 1888 was -

Wethers. 4703.
Ewes. 4888.

At the end of 1888, there were some 24, 922 head to start 1889.

/p.95/

1889. Cattle a/c shows 755, to which are added 14 marked for Aimé Domange, 1 for Juan Harvey J.A., 2 for Manuel Escoba ME., 4 for Ignacio Guerra [symbol of brand?], 1 for Bitsch, 1 Julio Hermines [?], 1 María Brito, 19 for children of H.L. Reynard, 239 Roig and Co.

On the debit side of cattle a/c are odd animals for beef, charqui, and odd ones for such ships as "Olympia" and "Malvinas". In June 1889 the count of cattle was 909.

1889. Sheep.  The marking of sheep gives -  
         
  Wethers 73. } January. }
  Ewes. 84. } }
    -----   }
    157.   }
        }
  Wethers. 5243. } Nov.22. }
  Ewes. 5857. } }

The losses of the year appear 350 approx. There was a heavy culling of rams - about 480 appear as called [?] and killed. Some large sales of sheep also appear, 55 wethers Sr. Dion Jofo [?] Paynamo, 86 wethers to Punta Arenas, 41 to Gallegos, 303 ewes to J. MacLean, 300 ewes to Saunders, 149 to Punta Arenas. The year closes with 30,098 sheep to start 1890 with.

Sales of sheep in 1890 are - 300 to Grant, 100 Stewart, 40 S. Julio, 300 rams Braun.

A gap now comes in the stock book from which I am taking these details; there have been some pages torn out, and the next year - 1891 - is missing. However, on another page, in Mother's handwriting, appear -

/p.96/

1891. Feb. Total sheep - 40,990.
During the year, in March, 1500 were sold to Armand @ 7/50$.

1892 & 1893. Aug. 51,500. During this year Dorlow bought old ewes - 15/- ech, 245. MacLeod bought 500.

Feb. Roux bought 350 wethers, 100 ewes.
  Boulat bought 90
Mch. Braun. 60 rams.
  Grant. 10 rams.
  Ross 12 rams.
  Steel. 225 ewes.
 
The lamb marking for Nov. 1893.
  9033. ewes.
  8622. machos.
  154.  
  ----------  
  17,809.  
  ----------  

In July 1899 the hand writing changes in a/cs, from that of Father's, to Hunter's, and for 1889 to Nov. 1890 is still Hunter's. In 1891 the writing is that of Frank until April 1895. No more of Father's entries appear, and here the book stops.

After reviewing this part of the book it is very interesting to see the cattle and horse progress.

The first cattle entry is carried forward from some a/c book I have not been able to find. The entry is dated Jan. 1889, and gives the total cattle as 755. The marking is shown on the preceding page: each animal that was killed for beef, died in camp, was drowned, are noted with their corresponding dates; from Jan. to December 1889 some 57 animals are accounted for. On Oct. 12th. 1889 the total tally was 898 head.

/p.97/

In March 1890 the marking amounted to 16 HR, 272 O.H., of which 126 were cow calves and 162 bull calves.

In June again, 32 head novillos [young bullocks] were sent to Colony, and in July 40 head of novillos and cows, to Punta Arenas. In Sept. 40 head went to Punta Arenas, and in Oct. 20 head, in Dec. 26 head - above are 1890 - Total head was 1186. In April, 30 head went to Punta Arenas, 38 head in May.

1891 April, 30 head Punta Arenas, May, 38 head to Punta Arenas, July 44, July 39, Oct, to E. Braun in Punta Arenas 114 were sold, in Dec. 30 cows were sent to Punta Arenas; the tally in June 1891 was 1186.

1892. Some 88 head were killed for beef at estancia in Sept., 40 in Oct., 60 were sent to Punta Arenas.

1893. The a/cs were kept in Frank's handwriting, and show 218 as branded, and total cattle as 649 head all told in Sept. 1893, and show some 70 head killed for beef, the skins of which were sent to Punta Arenas by cutter "Ethel".

Horses

1891. The first horse a/c appears from some other a/c book which I have not got. In March and April 32 colts were castrated from "Sino Chico" "Pico Blanco" "Old Tom" "Grande" "Tordillo" "Labuno" "Mertizo" "Sino Overo". In 1891 horses were sold 16 head in ones and twos @ 12$ £3-10-0 £ 5-0-0 up to £7-0-0; these were sold to men on the estancia and others.

1893. Horses were sold in ones and twos @ £13-0-0 £15-0-0 (52$ 20$ mares). In 1893 the general tally is given -

/p.98/

Labuno Manada 58, Mestizo 28, Sino Overo 48, Tordillo 43, Grande 48, Sino Largo 28, Pico Blanco, Sino Chico, Old Tom, 142, Rosillo 28. At the same time camp troops amount to about 100 head and include "Río Baptisimo", "Hermitage", "Antartic", "Ross and Chishom", "Laguna Chica", "Sushanna Cove", "Douglas".

1893 - Some 53 mare foals and 59 colts were marked, and some 40 large colts were castrated.

In 1893 & '94 small lots of two to six horses were sold, mares fetching $30 to $45, and horses @ £5 to £7; one for £10.

1894. An entry appears "took off the farm "Rosillo" "Old Tom", "Sino Chico" 92 head": 59 horse foals 40 head of mare foals marked in November. In 1894 some 16 horses were sold @ 20$, mares to 35$. Horses sold for £6, £7, and £8 each.

1895. In March there seemed to be 187 mares in six manadas [herds] - Horses sold - there seem to have been some 25 horses sold at various prices, from 20$ for mares to £7 for horses.

From letter copy books I find the following - in June 1904 H.L.R. bought estancia Chankaike.

In 1903 [?] Father and Gillies bought Paso Del Roble estancia, and I came across a letter Nov.1903 in which Father orders quite a lot of timber, cement, doors, etc. evidently to build a house there.

Dec.1903 Father writes to Mr Humphries in Buenos Aires asking him to solicit that Mortensen be appointed surveyor of a block of camp at C.deV. which Mr Humphries had just taken up

/p.99/

for Father, for which $12,000 was paid for 2 leagues.

July 1903. Father writes Henstock about some camp of Wagner's for sale, but about this time he has been on a camp hunting trip from Oazy Harbour, and likes a camp belonging to Banco Amberes which he hopes to buy.

Aug.15th. Paso del Roble bought from Meric and handed over to Reynard & Gillies. Father complains of his rheumatism bothering him a lot, in a letter to Gillies.

July 1903. In a letter to J.H. & Co. he says he has enlarged the C.deV. farm by 8 leagues adjoining.

July - he writes to John Cameron at Elizabeth Island regarding sheep, and work to be done, which includes some grass to be burnt. He refers to the Oxfords at the island and to the Shropshire sheep at Oazy Harbour.

July - a letter to Dr Appleby, thanks him for looking after Harry and Charlie, their first year at school in Newark, and says that Sue is especially much better at Oazy Harbour and does not suffer as she did from her chest, and that Harry had a bad start at school.

--------------------

/p.100/

Many of these pioneer settlers got their foundation stock from Oazy Harbour and Elizabeth Island, among them, Saunders, Jamieson, Morrison, Ferrier, Hamilton, Wagner, Douglas, Wood, and these old settlers all started about the same time.

The first large mob of sheep from Elizabeth Island were sold to Dr Fenton and José Nogueira, and were part of the foundation stock at Fenton Station and Pecket Harbour.

The steamer "Malvinas" made a great many trips for various people to Falklands for sheep - the "Malvinas" was captained by Capt. Eberhard, and used to carry about 2,000 sheep at a trip.

In 1892 the price of sheep was as low as 2/6 a head, so there must necessarily have been quite a lot at that time. Wool that year was 6d. per lb.

In 1890 the first sheep went from Punta Arenas to Tierra del Fuego - Mr Hobbs shipped these to Gente Grande, and later Gillies and MacRae took sheep to Tierra del Fuego also.

Everything had to be learned, and a system of working stock had to be followed - it is exceedingly gratifying to know that it was Father who was the first to install machine shearing, and the only grasería [fat-rendering works] the country knew was at Oazy Harbour, and a very great boon to the settlers, as no means existed of disposing of surplus dry stock. Father got the grasería made in England and Princeps came out to erect the plant about 1890 or '91.

At the same time a very good house was built at Oazy

/p.101/

Harbour, our happy home for many years, and the home in which Mother and Father worked so hard and yet never seemed to tire, in their marvellous energy and life work - yes indeed, a very very happy home to us all, and one which brought happiness to many of those dear old friends, never to be forgotten - memories that even time may never kill.

In all Father's enterprises, he never tried to exploit his neighbours, and always lent a hand - he ran the graseria at Oazy Harbour on the most philanthropic lines; his friends were charged 2/6 a head for killing, drying skins, and putting the tallow in barrels which were provided free; the tallow and skins were sold for the a/c of the owner of the stock. The barrels at first were mostly wine barrels from Punta Arenas but later it became necessary to make barrels at the graseria.

A few interesting facts were given to us by Messrs Saunders, Hamilton and Morrison; they have not direct bearing on this biography, but are so interesting that the details are too precious to lose.

The first lot of wool sent to London from Patagonia was in 1883 - the wool was consigned to Williams & Overbury, of London, and the price was 3d. per lb; this did not pay expenses.

In 1884, in Father's own handwriting in an a/c book of Oazy Harbour, is a very interesting entry -

3 bales skins. ex San Pedro to Punta 160$.
29 bales wool. Arenas - 5$ bale  

This was reshipped by the "Aconcagua" from Punta Arenas to London

/p.102/

  £ s. d.
15253 lbs. gross @ ¾d per lb 47 13 4.
Interest @ 5% 81 days   10 8.
Insurance 2/3 %   9 0.
Storage 6 10 9.
Sale exp. 4d per bale   9 8.
Commission 3 15 4.
  ------------------
  59. 8. 9.
  ------------------

Consigned to Williams & Overbury at London.

10684 lbs @ 7½d lb 333 17 6.
2558 lbs @ 4d lb 42 12 8.
Wool gross total 376 10 2.
  ==========
3 bales skins 1375 lbs @ 3½ 20 1 0.
  ------------------
Total wool & skins £396 11 2.
  ==========

The a/c shows exp. as follows -

29 bales @ 1$ $29.
Zunchos
3½ cwts.
$39.
12 lbs. string $ 5.
10 lbs rivets $ 3.
  -------
  $76.
  ------

Shearing exp.

Mr T. Saunders 45.00
Mr H. Jamieson 40.80
Foreman 30.00
W. Croft (cook) 20.00
Cost of keeping 5 men 1 month 60.00
  ----------
  $195.80

From the total sale of wool and skins in 1884, a profit of £327-6-10 was made - this was the first successful sale of wool and skins from Oazy harbour.

The next grasería to be built in Patagonia was Río Verde, by Douglas & Co., Shalenburg & De Bruyne.

/p.103/

In 1886, Mr Saunders sold the first lot of wool he had for sale to Stubenrauch @ 6d. lb. He also sold two and three year old wethers to Helmrich, about 5,000 head @ six shillings each - he remembers them well - big fat wethers he says they were too.

In 1904, Mr Saunders bought 50,000 sheep from Condor at 2/9- each.

Mr Bonner of Falkland Islands sold ewes to go to Lochiel at Camerones to Greenshields - there were 1500, and the price was 1/6 (one and sixpence) each in 1898.

Oazy Harbour was absolutely the first pioneer settlement in Magallanes - both Mr Morrison and Mr Saunders remember well that when the machine shears (Wolsleys) were put up, the engine, a paraffin motor. could not be made to run the first year, at all well, as no one could understand it properly.

Mr Bonner and Mr Morrison tell a very good story of a very early trip to Punta Arenas on a P.S.N.C. steamer. Bonner says that on this particular trip he and several other young fellows one night in the tropics saw an elderly gentleman sleeping on a mattress between two benches. Next night they all brought up their mattresses to do likewise - the elderly gentleman was asleep; they finally ended the night in a pillow fight, and to top off, chucked their pillows at the old man, woke him up, and cleared off to await events. He said nothing, and after a bit they returned to find the old man quite comfortable, still in bed, but he had got up and thrown every pillow and mattress overboard. Bonner and his pals had to pay the chief

/p.104/

steward the damage, and after that, did not trouble the old fellow at night - the "old man" was Father. The story tickled me very much when Bonner told me on board the "Orcoma", Nov. 1919 outward bound.

Mr Morrison tells me he travelled one trip with Father and on board it was the custom to hold "auction sweep stakes" - he says Father was an extraordinarily good hand at this auctioneering, and used to create lots of fun - every evening the passengers gathered in the smoke room to buy and sell their sweepstake tickets.

Maria Columbia. After Father had bought this schooner for himself, he, Mr Hamilton and Mr Saunders came to an agreement to purchase a share in her at £400; this arrangement was made to give the "Maria Columbia" a bigger lot of cargo to work at, to make her independent of outside work and to keep her continually busy. Her principal work was taking cargo to Elizabeth Island, to Oazy Harbour, and to Punta Loyola.

Capt. Harry Rothemburg, who was in charge of her, tells me he never had a more handy vessel under his care, and he said she was never idle. He loved his boss, Father, and never had a single question or difficulty with him in all his years as captain.

While talking to Capt. Harry, he told me a very very interesting account of how he was asked to pilot and navigate the "Dresden" after the Falkland Island battle. He told me how he had laid at anchor with scouts out on land in the canals at a place marked on the chart as land, and which was really a bay

/p.105/

and had two entrances, and how he had escaped the search made by our cruisers for her - I could not help admiring the pride he felt that she had escaped so long before capture and distinction.

He also told me of several excursions he had made from Punta Arenas in small steamers on false pretexts, and in reality taking provisions to the "Dresden".

Mr Hamilton tells us that Father always went out of his way to help old friends, and his deep kindness made him loved by those who really knew him well. When Mr Saunders got sheep from the Falklands, which came on the cutter "Rippling Wave", and were landed at Oazy Harbour, a good many died on board, as they were heavy in lamb. Father allowed Mr Saunders to keep the ewes on Oazy Harbour camp 'till arrangements could be made to occupy land at Otway Station. Mr Saunders had brought seed potatoes also from the Falklands, and these he planted at Oazy Harbour; they did well, but the Indians lifted them all while no one was there.

Cañadón de las Vacas

When Hamilton left Oazy Harbour, he did so with the intention of finding camp for himself. In the Spring of the year he, in company with Wm. Ness, who was at Oazy Harbour before Hamilton arrived from the Falklands and was Father's right hand man, made an expedition from Punta Arenas to Santa Cruz.

After this expedition, while talking to Father about the trip, Father asked what he and Ness thought of the country

/p.106/

they had seen. On arriving in Santa Cruz they were disappointed to find that Governor Lista was absent.

Hamilton told Father that "while on our way North to Santa Cruz, past the port of Coyle, we missed our way between Coyle and Santa Cruz, and instead of going due North to strike the Santa Cruz river, out East, and struck the Atlantic in a place where there was a number of springs and cañadones, following towards the sea, forming a very large hollow. We camped there for the night; the camp was very grassy and well sheltered and no mistaking that it was a suitable sheep or stock country." They studied a map together, and Hamilton strongly recommended Father to try and lease this land from the Governor Lista while he happened to be in Punta Arenas - which Father did, the rental being fixed at 20$ (twenty dollars rent), per league, 320 Arg. for 16 leagues. Hamilton felt very pleased that his old boss had placed so much confidence in him, "we had a drink together and were all very pleased with the business" - the land was leased in Menéndez office, and the contract signed there in Punta Arenas.

Governor Lista was a keen naturalist, and always fond of discussions in connection with natural history. While the contract was being drawn up by the Governor himself, on printed forms, no questions were asked particularly about the land - the lots were noted down from the map, and Father insisted that the limit on the East was the sea, as we were not sure that there might not be more land there than showed up on the map. The business was fixed up in about fifteen minutes, because an

/p.107/

American professor was waiting to see the Governor on natural history subjects about caracoles [snails] in Deseado, and he wasted no time to be off and see him - otherwise the contract would never have been fixed up so quickly.

During the same time, Hamilton and Saunders leased the camp of Paliaike.

At the time of this expedition to Santa Cruz by Ness and Hamilton, they never saw any settlers after leaving Dinamarquero, where Mr Jamieson was settled looking after his own sheep with Pepe Fiol.

At this time there was absolutely no house in Gallegos. The Governor's house and about three others comprised Santa Cruz -- It was Governor Lista who changed the governación to Gallegos from Santa Cruz, and so gave it a start as a port and town.

"On reaching Cañadón de las Vacas camp we did not find any cattle or horses, but the place teemed with guanaco."

Hamilton was at Oazy Harbour with Father for two and a half years, and loved working for Father - he never loved a boss as well, and his sincere appreciation of Father's and Mother's kindness to him touches our hearts deeply. Never too busy to lend a helping hand, or to pass a kind word of encouragement and helpful suggestion, Father's advice was above valuation, and was always charmingly and freely given to his friends.

When Hamilton left Oazy Harbour, and he and Ness set out together to look for camp for themselves, they were disappointed to find Governor Lista away in Buenos Aires - from there

/p.108/

he travelled to Punta Arenas, and it was then that Cañadón Vacas and Paliaike were rented. Hamilton joined Saunders as a partner and started at Otway Station.

Settlers for Patagonia were sought from the Falkland Islands, especially by Governor Lista for Argentine Patagonia.

Hamilton tells us that about once a year Father used to have a letter from Mr Greenwood, who lived in camp up 'round Lago Argentino, and was the only man about there - he knew the camps well, and used to explore and lived hunting ostrich, guanaco, and studying nature. Hamilton remembers well one letter which Father showed him - Mr Greenwood described a very extraordinary and fierce storm which lasted some days, and which towards the end brought immense quantities of volcanic-like dust, covering nearly the whole country from the Cordillera to the sea; Mr Greenwood attributed this to volcanic action away in the Cordillera.

About a year after renting Cañadón de las Vacas, Father sent up a drive of sheep by land from Elizabeth Island and Oazy Harbour. Old Scott was the man who had charge of them, (he lived later in the puesto [shanty] which is still standing in the zanja [ditch / depression] - "Pedro's shanty").

About this time Mr Greenwood came down from Lago Argentino camps and Cordillera and stayed nearly a year with Mother and Father at Oazy Harbour - after this visit he went up to Cañadón de las Vacas, and he and Father became partners there.

Hamilton believes that the camp was rented for seven

/p.109/

years or thereabouts before it was purchased freehold from the Argentine Government. The purchase price was 1000$ (one thousand dollars) gold per league, payable in four instalments. By paying cash a reduction of 8% (eight per cent) was allowed.

The early years of Cañadón de las Vacas were very hard times - lions killed off the stock every year, and no profit could be made; it looked like a hopeless venture, and proved to be a very trying and anxious time, and it was very doubtful if it could ever be made to pay its way.

Still, that extraordinary pluck and confidence of not only Father and Mr Greenwood, but all Patagonia early pioneers, could not be broken by even nature's elements, and to-day we, the second generation, have to acknowledge that our Father's and Mother's courage astounds us.

We can never forget that the early pioneers of the civilization and industry of Patagonia achieved accomplishments which needed that marvellous fortitude and endurance, character physique and courage, which the pioneers showed, and the very greatest credit is due to them for making the country what it is to-day. It is entirely due to their magnificent example that it has been possible for their successors to follow the high standard set by them.

Mr Hamilton told us that Father sold many small mobs of sheep to many earlier pioneers, his friends, and in selling these he always gave long terms of credit and never hurried payment - Mr Hamilton is very proud too, that these old settlers all paid up to him, and admired and respected his great kindness

/p.110/

beyond expression, and valued above all things his honesty and advice. He lent small sums of money, in those days large sums, to many early settlers on very low percentages, and extended a helping hand to many who were struggling to make a living, and, without knowing it, to show the people of Patagonia to-day what these pioneers could achieve.

In performing these actions, it must be remembered that Father had no idea of gain, but in order to lend a helping hand to those who had served him faithfully, some as shepherds and others in many other capacities, but all as true friends. One of the greatest pleasures of his life seemed to lie in giving assistance to those who needed it, and watching with the deepest interest their progress and subsequent prosperity - an interest which he expressed so sincerely whenever he met them, in his true handshake and warm expressions of kindness and sympathy on all occasions, whether at his own house or elsewhere.

Oazy Harbour, the house we loved so well, was always an example of true hospitality and love, such as one could only find in those days in the home of born English gentlemen of that period - it was indeed a precious privilege to receive such hospitality.

No more authentic or interesting account could be obtained of the formation of Cañadón de las Vacas, than the following extracts taken from letters that we have received from Mr Greenwood, who also gives a delightful description of the commencement of his great friendship and subsequent partnership with

/p.111/

Father. The letters are written at "Rockville, Ashton, Helston, Cornwall," and from the first, dated 8th. August 1920, I have extracted the following -

"As I was the first to settle in Patagonia in 1869, when Punta Arenas was a convict establishment, and long before your father and Doctor Fenton arrived there, I think I am pretty well acquainted with all that happened during the first years of their residence there. After that there is a long blank of five years or so, as I went away into the interior and lived alone, and did not return or communicate with anybody - in fact I was supposed to be dead or to have made tracks to some other country.

By some means your father found out that I was still alive and leading my old wandering life. He had at that time married your mother and was settled in Oazy Harbour sheep farming - by some means I got a letter from him which had been wandering about for goodness knows how long, and this altered the whole course of my life; also, your father, hearing that I was still in the land of the living, actually took the trouble to come and look for me, accompanied by the Oazy Harbour campañista [stockman] (a first rate man called Domingo, whom you may remember). Your father got as far as the Dos Morros, Upper Gallegos, and found my last camping ground, but the bird had flown. I met a man named Hughes and heard of this, and this altered the whole course of my life - I thought to myself "well, there is still one man who has not forgotten me; I'm hanged if I don't give up this lonely life and go and look him up" - but when I went I

/p.112/

had not the faintest idea of ever settling down as a civilized being again. His welcome to me I shall never forget - when I got to Oazy there was no one there except Domingo, the man who had come out to look for me with your father; of course he did not know me from Adam, and your father was away in Prince Cove dipping. However, he gave me some mate and chops, and I told him who I was, and I camped down in the mens' room just in front of the Horse Corral. I was just turning in when your father came along, unsaddled his horse and went towards the house. I followed him, put my hand on his shoulder and said "How are you Mr Reynard?" He turned sharp 'round, stared at me and said "Greenwood! By God! well, I never thought to see you again; come in old boy. I'm as glad as if some one had given me £100". Well, there ended my hermit's life - I stopped at Oazy some days, whilst Reynard went to the Colony to fetch your mother, Nell, Edward, and Hennie, and I think, a baby, but I am not quite sure - if it was, it must have been you, so we have met before you see.

I came back a few months later, in the depth of winter (the worst winter) and remained there 'till after shearing time helping your father to manage the farm, and your mother being ill I took charge of the whole shearing, shipped off the wool, and fixed off the whole bag of tricks. Then your father asked me to start and farm with him up North, and he and I and Domingo set off exploring N. of Coy Inlet and picked out Cañadón de las Vacas. Next year he sent up about 30 head of cattle and five or six old worn out horses.

/p.113/

Meanwhile I stayed there alone killing lions [pumas], which swarmed all over the place, and fixing up a makeshift shanty and horse corral out of old wreck wood I cinched [secured] up from the beach. Next year 552 sheep came up, nearly all of which were killed by lions within the first year. At the end of the first shearing and lamb marking there were less than the original number. No one but myself knows how I worked and worried myself then, but eventually all went well, although the losses through lions were enormous."

Mr Greenwood's second letter bearing on the formation of the Cañadón de las Vacas, is dated 7th November, 1920, and is quoted almost as it stands.

"My dear Harry,

Many thanks for your kind and interesting letter. I immediately start giving you the details you require as regards the starting of Cañadón de las Vacas, and remember, I am the only man living who can give you the real true facts. I know every mile of camp from Otway and Skyring Waters to Lake Santa Cruz, years before Hamilton, Saunders, Jamieson or any of the men who started the sheep farming boom, years before any of them came to the country or even thought of doing so. This is no idle boast, but the simple truth; I was the first pioneer to explore these camps, and fully believed in them, although the winters were in those days awfully severe, as I know to my cost. Also I, in company with your father's and my own mutual friend John Leesmith, were the first men to explore the Chubut River (Welsh Colony), and we were three months exploring

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the River, 'till the precipitous cañons and stony ground forced us to return.

Well, as regards your query about the starting of Cañadón de las Vacas, when I gave up my hunter's and explorer's life, I went to Oazy Harbour to see your father, after an absence of five years and four months, and I need not say I received more than a hearty welcome. The winter being one of the hardest I ever knew I remained there 'till the beginning of February in the following year - I arrived about the middle of June; everything was a mass of ice, and the only way we could kill a bullock was by shooting it as near the house as possible. This was my job, and I don't think I failed to kill every one stone dead the first shot.

Your mother was in delicate health - I believe you or your brother was on the way, anyway there were only three children, poor Edward, Nelly and Henny (a wee mite as brown as a berry). I was supposed to be her godfather, but she was not baptized in "my time", so I don't know if any one stood proxy for me or no - any way, Henrietta was a family name of my family, and why you have changed to the ungodly name of Susan, I can't imagine.

Well, for private reasons I did not care to remain at Oazy Harbour, so your father and I arranged to start a farm up North, quite independent of Oazy Harbour, so after shearing was over we, he and I, with Domingo Harvey the Oazy Harbour campañista, started up North to look out a camp. The weather was vile, torrents of rain and sleet, and we only got as far as the

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manantial [spring] running down the centre of Wreck Flat, somewhere close to the Present Boundary Fence. From there your father returned and I passed the winter quite alone, killing forty three lions, and God knows how many ostriches [Darwin's rhea], and in the Spring your father sent up about 25 cattle and 3 or 4 old mokes [horses]. After the lovely feeding ground at Oazy Harbour, the d---- d---- cattle absolutely refused to stop there, and kept me and a man called Morens, at work day and night to hold them. Finally all but two or three milk cows and two old bullocks got away altogether, some to Coy Inlet, and the rest took up their abode on the big flat W. of Tres Chorelias [Chorillos?], somewhere near where Denniston started a farm. I daresay a lot of their descendants are kicking about there now, as they were when I left, and whenever we wanted a change from the everlasting mutton I used to go out to the big Flat and kill one.

The first consignment of sheep was brought in by Jack Harvey and Jack Dix [Dicks?] - 510 ewes, about 50 wethers, and about 70 beastly little loose wooled ½ Hereford rams. The lions did not touch them for the first month or two, and then your father came up, and we gathered the small mob and counted them, finding only one missing, and that we found in a hole, afterwards. Then the lions found out mutton was good, and started slaughtering wholesale - so much so that altho' we had 300 to 400 lambs, at the second shearing only about 400 came under the shears. The lions gave us no rest day or night, and having no fencing or even a

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paddock, the sheep were driven all over the place. If we penned them at night lions climbed over the fence and killed wholesale. One night I found 70 dead, close to the old house which I built close to the little round hill below your present palatial residence.

I can truly say I did my very best, as did old Scott, whom I brought from the prefecture at Santa Cruz. He was a fair shepherd, but the d-----dest liar I ever met, and you could not trust a word he said. Jack Harvey was worse, and I soon kicked him out - literally kicked him out. Perhaps my greatest curse during the first three years was never being able to get a decent man whom I could depend upon, to work with, and those three years were certainly the most miserable I ever passed during my somewhat chequered life.

Any one who wishes to really succeed in sheep farming should always be three years ahead of his sheep, instead of being three years (as we were) hopelessly behind the sheep. This is one of the first and most important details, anyone starting sheep farming should get into his head before he starts, as all we old Pioneers in these Northern lion-infested camps know to their cost.

After three or four years things began to mend, and we actually shore 4000 sheep. Lions got scarcer, but every now and then a whole family would come in and kill wholesale. Then we got scab in the flocks, given us by stray sheep coming in from the droves going N. or S. and the owners leaving scabby bred sheep behind instead of cutting their throats. However, the

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farm was progressing, and your father was fully satisfied when he came up for the last time before I cleared out. I was sorry to give up farming with your dear father - a kind friend and partner, but I felt quite played out, and the longing to see home again after thirty years' absence, was always with me. Still, the memory of Patagonia is always dear to me, and fresh in my heart, and will ever be so, altho', alas! I fear I shall never see it again.

If you want any information I can give you, let me know, but I think I have told you all I can remember. I send this to Hillside, as I see your last was written from there. Is this the best address to make sure of finding you? Did I ever meet your wife or her family in Patagonia?

With love from my wife and self to your wife and your self, ever your affectionate old friend

William H. Greenwood. "

The following is a further account of the commencement of Cañadón de las Vacas, kindly forwarded to us by Mr Evan Noble.

"The camp was first settled on in the year 1890, by 2000 ewes from Elizabeth Island, and a few cattle from Oazy Harbour.

The first settlement was at Pedro's Shanty, a small two-roomed house made of mud, and zinc roof, and the window frames had been cut out by hand from the solid oak ribs of a mining sailing vessel, which was driven ashore by a severe gale

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on the beach near the farm. Those buried at Pedro's Shanty are Mrs James Scott, the wife of the one and only shepherd on the farm at that time, John Harvey's boy who accidentally shot himself with a revolver bullet, and Mrs Vietes, the wife of the Jefe of our telegraph office.

George Greenwood came to Cañadón de las Vacas in the year 1893 in the month of May.

The first material, dip and stores etc. required for the farm had to be carted from Gallegos, a distance of about 201 miles.

Evan Noble came to Cañadón de las Vacas on the 6th. Nov. 1900. The neighbouring farms Monte Leon and Smiths were first settled on in the year 1889, or a few months before that of Cañadón de las Vacas.

The camp was completely fenced 'round in the year 1903, this work taking seven years to complete - of course this applies only to Cañadón de las Vacas, not to "lotes" No 1 and No 2. The fencing of No 1 and No 2 was completed in the year 1910.

The first lot of cattle and mares came from Oazy Harbour. Owing to the very severe winter of 1904 the loss amongst the stock of Estancia Chankaike was so great that in Feb. 1905 Cañadón de las Vacas was called on to support this farm by sending up 4650 ewes and rams. Owing to the unexpected long winter of 1904 Cañadón de las Vacas ran short of flour and other provisions, and in order to keep the men supplied with food, provisions of all sorts had to be carried by pack horses for a

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distance of thirty six miles over snow and ice.

It may perhaps be interesting to know that the Cañadón Vacas bullock carts were the first to open the roads between the farm and Santa Cruz and Coyle, a distance of sixty three miles North and thirty six miles South."

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Soon after his return from the Santa Cruz expedition, Mr Hamilton, with Mr Jamieson, Mr Will Saunders and Jack MacLean all started by sea to Montevideo with Capt. Hayes on the P.S.N.C. "Cotopaxi", and from Montevideo by boat to Buenos Aires.

From Buenos Aires, about the year 1885 or 1886 [sic - actual year 1888], Mr Hamilton, Will Saunders, MacLean and Jamieson trained to Bahía Blanca and bought a troop of horses and went North into Tandil district to buy more horses, and back to Bahía Blanca with about 300 head of mares and horses. They set trek with some peons to Río Colorado, which they followed up for about 30 leagues from entrance and there camped at a big lake for a few days to rest the horses before striking South to Río Negro. It took two days to reach Río Negro, through very scrubby country with no roads, and great difficulty in keeping a Southerly course, on account of the patches of scrub. There were no settlers between the Río Colorado and Río Negro. At Río Colorado they found an old guide

"who directed us to this big laguna where we rested, and who agreed to take us across from there through these unknown tracts to Río Negro. He was the only one who knew the way, and had been there before - the guide's name was

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Ringo Barrio, and he was one of General Roca's guides at the time of the expedition by Argentine against the Indians - he was lame, owing to a shot he had received in the leg during that campaign. On arrival at Río Negro, we purchased sheep, after swimming our horses over the river to the South side. We remained at Río Negro for several weeks, getting sheep together and resting horses. The horses were gradually tamed on the trek. The sheep were bought in several lots, cross-bred merinos, price about 1.30 each. After getting the sheep together (the dogs were taken with us from Punta Arenas) we started off on the journey South, with about 4000 sheep, about October. The first watering place was at a small stream called Río Valchetta, about 40 leagues South of Río Negro. Fortunately it rained between Río Negro and Río Valchetta, and the sheep had water on trail.

On arrival at Río Valchetta we found a large encampment of Indians, some of whom were Araucanian Northerners, Tehuelche and Pampa about (100). They visited us and we visited them without any ill feeling or incidents of trouble. We camped there for about a week before again striking South. We lived on guanaco, ostrich, never mares but occasionally wethers.

After Río Valchetta the country changes its aspect - lava is to be found on the surface and hillsides - several extensive valleys apparently cut in the lava, one of which we followed in a Southerly direction. From Río Valchetta we had an Indian baqueano [guide] as far as Chubut, and followed an Indian trail for a good many days, hemmed in by rocky valleys, one of which

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terminated in a round open basin where there was a small salt lagoon and fresh springs of water running into it, named by the Indians "Chassicoo" [sic, Chassicó / Chathico]. The sheep had to be driven over a very high cliff to reach the high pampa on the South side - here lions were congregated by the score, from all directions, having come to get fresh water at these springs and to kill game that came for water too. Here, no sooner had darkness set in than the lions began attacking the sheep - we chased them away in moonlight and fired shots many times, and they as often came back, or others; this happened until day-break, when a lot of sheep were found dead, a number of which had been carried off some distance from the camping ground. At this place the horses remained for a day or two, while the sheep had to be moved on at once to avoid more killing - the journey always in a Southerly direction, but with many turns to get at water.

During the halts at resting places, the country was explored East and West. MacLean and Hamilton drove the sheep and Saunders and Jamieson and [the] baqueano the horses and mares - the dogs got very tired, and the sheep often very footsore from little cactus, which pricked their feet, and rests were frequent. We also had hounds for catching guanaco and ostrich.

On getting to a series of rocks like the Frailes [Friars], we drove the sheep there and discovered most beautiful feed - water in sort of sheer streets out of the lava, a glorious place. These rocks struck in the pampa about 30 leagues North of Chubut, Sierra Colorada was the name of the rocks.

Mr Hamilton climbed up to the top of the rocks, and

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with his glasses saw animals moving about 3 leagues away - these were cattle, and he came hurrying down and told the others, and they all went up and had a look too, and sure enough they were cattle. Next morning bright and early we picked our best horses and off after the cattle, and got quite near them in the valley - about 30 head, and were surprised that they did not clear off and split up; instead, we were able to get round them and head them for the rocks where the sheep were, and the cattle went there splendidly, and into these narrow street-like valleys. Here, with lassoos and rifles we started to kill and catch bullock, but when we killed the first one, the others smelt the blood, and started to bellow and charge and got very wild, and the noise among the rocks was terrific. Still, we killed about five and skinned them, and lived well for some days and a lot of meat we took to a salt lagoon, and made charqui of it. We carried some of it with us to Chubut, and there exchanged some of this meat for bread.

At Chubut we stayed for about a month and shore our sheep and sold the wool to an American who was there buying the wheat from the Welsh settlers. We had to shear our sheep ourselves, and it took some time; here quite a few lambs were born and grew string enough to drive on with us. Lambs born on the track had generally to be killed, as they could not travel.

On our arrival at Chubut we had no money left, but our wool, which Jamieson sold, made us well off once more, and happy. After provisioning ourselves afresh we crossed the River

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Chubut and from there followed a S.W. course until we struck the Río Senguer, now known as the Río Chico.

At Chubut the old Indian stayed behind, but we employed another wandering individual to help us, who pretended to know some watering places and the general direction S., but he was very short sighted, as we found out to our cost on the trail. We followed the R. Senguer in a S.W. direction for about three weeks or a month, resting periodically in the river valley. After this we sighted Lake Musters, and camped there for several days, revising the country in the direction of Gulf of St. George and looking for water further S. before leaving the lake - the baqueano was no good and we could not depend on him. We selected our route, hoping to reach the Río Deseado at a point about half way from the coast to Cordillera.

This was very poor country and difficult driving - on one occasion we sent our wandering baqueano a day's march ahead to find a watering place and light a fire before moving camp. He did not return, nor light a fire - the sheep could not be left longer where they were, so we marched on, hoping to find water in hilly looking country ahead. We found water at last, but the baqueano was missing. After the horses came to the encampment no further marching could go on until we had hunted for the baqueano. Fresh horses were caught, and each one took a piece of meat and fresh water, so that whoever found him would have a feed for him. We searched for him for several days, and could find no trace or tracks.

The previous day, as the sheep were being rested in a

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large flat where there was no pasture, but dry clay surface, Hamilton erected a cairn of stones, to pass away the time, thinking that in future years it would serve to show that some one had passed there. So the lost man, in wandering backwards, saw this cairn of stones and went up, out of curiosity, to look at it, and rest before he made another attempt to reach the high land. After sitting there for some time he realised that the stones had only just been removed, and although bewildered and exhausted from hunger, he noticed a big trail-like mark close to the stones, and saw the sheep tracks and dung, and followed this trail Southward, where, after a time he met Mr Saunders and Jamieson looking for him. He was given a feed at once, and a drink, and taken to the encampment. He told us he had taken the wrong direction, and travelled W. and wandered about looking for water. He came to a small lagoon, with his horse tired (as he always galloped the guts out of him at first) and here, he said, several lions wandered 'round all night frightening him. After daylight, having finished all his grub [food], he came across a flock of ostrich feeding in a corner on the edge of the lagoon - they were so surprised that several ran into the water - he jumped off his horse and followed them - two of them turned 'round and were coming back facing him, when, instead of trying to catch one, which he could have easily done, he put out his arms and tried to grab two, with the result that he missed them both, and lost his only chance of getting grub. He was a bit stupid, but after a day was all right again. "A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush".

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Finally we reached the Deseado, and found the valley very swampy, at the Southern approach. We found it impossible to cross the sheep there, and after exploring the river East and West, we came to the conclusion that the only alternative was to make a bridge of some sort to cross over the horses and sheep. We cut the thickest bushes we could find, propped them up with large roots, and tied them all together with guanaco hide, and then covered the surface with long grass and covered this with turf, which served as a bridge to cross the sheep over. The bridge was about five yards long.

After going along on the South side, we struck Eastwards - we found that no river existed; the water all ran underground, so all our work of bridging could have been saved had we known this before. There were here and there water holes in the river bed.

Our sheep got into the custom of tracking South, and would graze on without being driven often. We also had a troop of about 8 horses and a mare, which travelled with the sheep at the same pace and went quit easily. The other horses were also in troops with their madrinas [lead mares] and could be caught fairly easily but the odd horses not in troops took a good deal of catching. At first, when the sheep left Río Negro, they always tried to go North, but after a time they changed and got used to going South, so, if they moved off by themselves, they forgot Río Negro and would travel South. Sometimes, while we had our mate the sheep would travel on by themselves, always in a Southerly direction, and we would follow them up. We travelled about an

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average of 3 to 4 leagues a day.

After following East for some time, when the volcanic hills on the South appeared to terminate we again headed S.E. in order to strike San Julián, where Donald Munro was the only settler - there were no houses in San Julián then. After marching until we thought San Julián must be near, we rested, and Mr Saunders took two horses and went ahead to look for the port, where we knew there was good water and grass, and we wanted to stay here a while. In the course of two or three days he returned to us and told us he had found the port of San Julián, giving us the direction, which we followed and reached San Julián, where we found Munro living in a tent, with a small flock of sheep. He was awfully kind to us, and we were delighted to get there - he gave us a full share of the few provisions he had for himself. We explored a good deal 'round about San Julián, and left the sheep there for the winter in charge of MacLean, and Hamilton, Saunders and I continued South with the horses to Otway Station.

(I forgot to mention that in the cheerful territory at Río Chico, we all got diarrhoea and had to move off, but MacLean was too ill to travel, and had to be let rest; the sheep went on, and in a few days the horses overtook the sheep, and brought along MacLean, who had got over his illness).

We continued with the horses to Otway Station, passing the Santa Cruz at Gregorio Ibáñez, a place where there was a settlement, where we swam our horses and cut across to the Coyle, about where MacGeorge's now is; there were a few settlers about

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then - Mr Halliday near Gallegos, Mr Rudd, Mr Felton and others, and from here on to Otway Station. The distance from San Julián to Otway Station we did in about a month, without any extraordinary event taking place."

After resting some time at Otway, another journey was decided upon up to Río Negro. Will Saunders, Will Rudd, and Mr Hamilton went by boat to Buenos Aires and then direct by small boat to Río Negro and bought more horses and sheep, and got the drive all ready to start. Mr Hamilton returned by sea to Punta Arenas, and Will Saunders and Will Rudd set off on trek for Patagonia. They took nearly two years on this journey, and lost 7,000 sheep between the Río Negro and Río Valchetta, as it was a very dry season and the trip was very very difficult - the sheep had to be driven over 50 leagues without water.

After Mr Hamilton arrived in Punta Arenas he returned to San Julián to bring down the first lot of sheep. The second Río Negro trip was started only a month or two after the first one was finished.

The sheep from San Julián were driven to Paliaike, and were the first sheep to start Paliaike with - Mr Jamieson kept his share of the sheep on the Coyle, and his share of horses, and these were the animals with which he started Moyaike estancia, along with the 150 sheep and their increase, purchased from Elizabeth Island, which had been left temporarily at Dinamarquero while he had gone to Río Negro with Hamilton, Saunders and Maclean to fetch more.

Previous to all these records which Mr Hamilton has

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given to me (H.W.R.) [Henry William Reynard, son of Henry Leonard Reynard] he says that the country from Río Negro to Punta Arenas was previously travelled by John MacRae, Robert Gillies, George MacGeorge, Jack Rudd and one or two others with them, who drove horses from Río Negro to the Straits of Magellan paving the way by their enterprising energy, for all others who afterwards made similar journeys. Part of these horses were sold and the rest they kept for their own use.

It must not be forgotten that the original pioneers, the above mentioned men, deserve the very greatest credit for making the country known as a whole, from Bahía Blanca to the Straits of Magellan. Their early enterprise in being the first to bring stock through the centre of Patagonia, made it easier and apparently of less risk and possible to those of their countrymen who followed their magnificent example.

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The following interesting notes were taken from a diary of the late Mr Harry Jamieson of Moyaike.

1883 - May. I arrived in Patagonia.

1887 - A daily diary of events at Estancia Moyaike, among other entries he refers to his Lincoln flock which he and Peter Crighton had dipped in hot tobacco dip - this flock were continually getting mixed with Guillaume's sheep, and Peter Crighton, who herded them on unfenced camp, had considerable trouble.

In May 1887 the "Maria Columbia" was in Gallegos, and Jamieson went to meet Mr Jack Rudd there.

In 1887 the first fencing, the ram paddock, at Moyaike was laid out and erected.

In March of 1887 Mr Reynard and Scott stayed the night on their way to Cañadón de las Vacas.

The total number of sheep at Moyaike on June 1st. 1887 was 5,000 head.

In June 1887, Mr Mortensen was measuring the Moyaike camp.

June 1887 - "MacLean agreed to stay and work another year if I will pay him one ewe for every lion he kills; have paid him up to date thirty five ewes for thirty five lions."

Under date of July 21st 1887 is the entry - "Married to-day at 2.p.m. at Hill Station; danced all night - we returned to Moyaike next day."

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END OF PART TWO